New  Jersey  as  a  Colony 
and  as  a  State 


' — --'    ; 


NEW  JERSEY 


AS  A  COLONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


One    of    the    Original     Thirteen 


BY 
FRANCIS   BAZLEY   LEE 

ASSOCIATE    BOARD    OF    EDITORS 

WILLIAM    8.     STRYKER,    LL.D.:       WILLIAM     NELSON,     A.M. 
GARRET    D.    W.    VRQOM:      ERNEST    C.    RICHARDSON,    PilD. 

VOLUME    THREE 


THE  PUBLISHING   SOCIETY  OF  NEW   JERSEY 
NEW  YORK  MDCCCCII1 


CorrsiGHT.  1902,  Bt 

THK   PUBLISHING   SOCIBTT  OF   NgW  jEWnST 


All  Rig-hit  Reserved 


PUBLICATION  OFFICE 
41  LAFAYETTE  PLACE 
KEW  YORK,   N.  Y.,  U.S.A. 


DEDICATED 

TO 

PETER  DUMONT  VROOM 


i 


SYNOPSIS    OF    CHAPTERS 


CHAPTER    I 

THE  FORMATION  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES 23-41 

Meaning  of  Terms  "  Tory  "  and  "  Whig  " — Party  Lines 
drawn  between  "  Federalists  "  and  "  Anti-Federalists  " 
— The  Moderate  View — Federalism  Dominant  in  New 
Jersey  and  the  Causes  Underlying  the  Attitude  of  the 
State — The  Society  of  the  Cincinnati — Abraham  Clark, 
Leader  of  the  Partially  organized  Opposition  to  Federal- 
ism— Governor  Livingston  as  a  Federalist — Vote  for 
Governor  by  Joint  Meeting,  1776  to  1790 — Party  Lines 
in  the  First  Congress — Washington  as  Mediator — Tariff 
and  the  Regulation  of  Commerce — New  Jersey  Recognizes 
Principle  of  Protection  to  Home  Industries  in  1777 — The 
Quarrels  between  Jefferson  and  Hamilton — The  Governor- 
ship of  William  Paterson,  1790  to  1793—"  Republican" 
Sentiment  in  New  Jersey  aroused  by  French  War 
against  England  and  Holland — The  Stirring  Events  of 
that  Year — Richard  Howell,  Governor — Jonathan  Day- 
ton in  Congress — The  Quarrel  with  France  in  1797 — The 
"  Alien  "  and  "  Sedition  "  Laws  and  the  Attitude  of  Ken- 
tucky and  Virginia — Quarrels  in  President  Adams's  Cab- 
inet—New Jersey  Revolts  against  Federalism  and  the 
Doctrines  of  JefTerson  are  Spread  in  the  Eastern  and  Cen- 
tral parts  of  the  State — The  Tammany  Society  as  a  Po- 
litical Agency. 


CHAPTER    II 

THE  NEW  DEMOCRACY 43-15 

Factors  in  the  Growth  of  the  Spirit  of  Democracy — The 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  as  a  Power  in  the  New 
Movement — Characteristics  of  Early  Methodism — 
Changes  in  Legislation — The  Tendency  toward  Extremes 


8  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

— The  Newspaper  of  the  Day,  what  it  Possessed,  and 
what  it  Lacked — Sentimentality  and  Vituperation  Dis- 
tinguishing Qualities — Newspapers,  before  1800,  Estab- 
lished in  Bridgeton,  Burlington,  Chatham,  Newark,  New 
Brunswick,  Elizabethtown,  Newton,  Princeton,  and 
Trenton. 


CHAPTER    III 

OLD  HOMES  AND  OLD  NAMES 57-77 

Characteristics  of  Architecture  of  Plantation — Mansions 
on  the  Seacoast — Some  of  those  who  Dwelt  between 
Cape  May  and  Tuckerton — Cumberland  County  Life — 
Salem  County  a  Partial  Reflex  of  Virginia — Old  Glou- 
cester and  the  Fox  Hunting  Club — Around  Camden — 
Burlington  County  retains  Colonial  Conditions — Trenton 
and  Princeton — The  Monmouth  Settlements  and  the 
Scotch  Influence — New  Brunswick  and  the  Valley  of  the 
Raritan — Elizabethtown  and  the  French  Emigres — The 
Count  dAnterroches — Newark  and  its  Vicinity — The 
Schuyler  Gardens — Early  Names  in  Old  Hudson  County 
— Morris,  Sussex,  and  Warren  Counties  and  their  Asso- 
ciations. 


CHAPTER    IV 

POLITICS  AND  THE  WAR  OF  1812 79-91 

New  Jersey  Exposed  to  Assault,  lying  between  Phila- 
delphia and  New  York — Area  of  Growth  between  1783 
and  1812— The  "Peace  Party  "—The  Society  of  Friends 
and  Governor  Pennington — The  Commercial  Element 
favors  Peace — "  Mercantile  Monopoly  " — Contempora- 
neous Journalism — The  "Republicans"  in  control  of 
State  Party  Machinery  in  1811  and  1812— The  House  of 
Assembly  Defines  the  Attitude  of  the  State  in  January, 
1812 — Charges  against  England — The  Federalists  Gal- 
vanize themselves  into  Life  by  resort  to  the  "  Gerry- 
mander " — In  October,  1812,  the  Legislature  Declares  for 
Peace — The  Resolutions  and  how  the  Vote  upon  them  Re- 
flected Popular  Sentiment — Governor  Ogden  as  a  Patriot 
— Triumph  of  Federalism  Short-lived — Governor  Pen- 
nington and  his  Message. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  9 

CHAPTER    V 

NEW  JERSEY  TROOPS  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812 93-113 

War  against  England  Declared — New  Jersey  Responds 
to  the  Call — The  State  looks  toward  Rendering  Aid  to 
New  York  and  Philadelphia — Defenses  on  the  North 
Shore  of  Monmouth  County— The  Navesink  Telegraph 
and  Fortifications  at  Sandy  nook — Philadelphia  Exposed 
to  Attack — The  Capture  of  the  "  Eagle  "  by  the  "  Yan- 
kee "  off  the  Monmouth  County  Fishing  Banks — The 
Blockade  of  Delaware  Bay — The  Bombardment  of  Lewes, 
Delaware — Stephen  Girard  and  his  Interests — Privateer- 
ing off  Cape  May — Activities  in  the  Maurice  River  Region 
— Governor  Bloomfield  and  his  Military  Services — Troops 
at  Paulus  Hook  at  the  Company  Offices — Services  of  New 
Jerseymen  at  Navesink  Highlands — Protection  Offered 
Cape  May — The  July  Call  of  1814 — Organization  of  Two 
Brigades — Some  Conspicuous  Officers — The  Camp  at 
Billingsport — The  Troops  at  Port  Elizabeth — The  Mari- 
time Frontier  and  the  Battle  of  Brandt  Hill — Statistics 
— -Tames  Lawrence,  the  Naval  Hero,  Born  in  Burlington 
— His  brief  Naval  Career — The  "  Chesapeake  "  and  the 
"  Shannon  " — "  Don't  give  up  the  Ship  " — His  Tomb. 


CHAPTER    VI 

NEW  JERSEY'S  FIRST  RAILROAD  CHARTER 115-124 

Development  of  Overland  Transportation  between  New 
York  and  Philadelphia — Needs  of  Inland  Communication 
Intensified  by  War  of  1812 — The  "Railroad"  Charter, 
Probably  the  First  ever  Granted  in  the  United  States, 
Enacted  in  1815 — Its  Similarity  to  Existing  Turnpike 
Legislation — The  "  New  Jersey  Railroad  "  and  the  De- 
tails Provided  for  Stock  Subscription,  Construction,  Con- 
demnation of  Land,  Election  of  Officers,  and  Motive 
Power — The  Germ  of  State  Railroad  Commissions — The 
Project  Fails. 


CHAPTER    VII 

THE  STEAMBOAT  MONOPOLY 125-136 

John   Fitch   and   James   Rumsey — Fitch's   Experiments 


10  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

in  Pennsylvania — New  Jersey  Aids  his  Steamboat  Project 
by  Legislation  in  178G — Ihe  First  Steamboat  on  the  Del- 
aware in  1787 — A  Disaster  in  1788 — Other  Attempts 
and  other  Failures — Robert  Fulton  and  Robert  R.  Liv- 
ingston— The  New  York  Monopoly — The  "  Clermont," 
John  Cox  Stevens,  and  the  "  Phoenix " — Quarrels  be- 
tween New  York  and  New  Jersey  Interests — The  State 
Legislatures  become  Involved — Steamboats  between  Cam- 
den and  Philadelphia, — Governor  Ogden  and  the  "  Sea 
Horse  " — Another  Financial  Disaster. 


CHAPTER    VIII 

MANUFACTURES  AND  THE  PANIC  OF  1817 137-147 

New  Jersey  as  the  Seat  of  Future  Industrial  Progress — 
How  England,  after  the  Close  of  the  War  of  IS  12,  tried 
to  Destroy  the  Commercial  Prosperity  of  the  United 
States — Auctions  in  New  York  City — Petitions  to  Con- 
gress— The  Impotency  of  State  Banks — Comparisons  be- 
tween the  Panic  of  1817  and  those  of  1837  and  1857 — 
The  Close  of  "  Hard  Times  "  marks  Termination  of  the 
most  Conspicuous  outward  Manifestations  of  the  Colon- 
ial Type  of  Life — Changes  Affecting  Farms — The  New 
Cities— Steam,  Coal,  and  Iron  drives  "  Color "  from 
Men's  Lives — The  Conservatism  of  New  Jersey — Objec- 
tions m?de  against  City  Life  and  the  Railroad. 


CHAPTER    IX 

A  QUARTER  CENTURY  OF  POLITICS 149-103 

A  Short  Study  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  his  Influence— 
The  Aristocracy  of  the  Period — The  Presidential  Contest 
of  1800  and  the  Triumph  of  the  New  Democracy — Joseph 
Bloomfield  as  a  Leader — The  "  Slabtown  "  Incident — 
New  Men  lead  Party  Movements — Bloomfield  and  Stock- 
ton and  the  Struggle  between  the  Republicans  (Demo- 
crats) and  the  Federalists  in  1801,  1802,  and  1803— The 
Burr-Hamilton  Duel — Hamilton's  Influence  in  New 
Jersey — The  Services  he  hid  Rendered  the  State — The 
True  Aaron  Burr — The  Triumph  of  Democracy — Bloom- 
field's  Prestige  Unquestioned  until  1812 — Political  Con- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  11 

tests  During  the  Second  War  with  England — Isaac  Will- 
iamson and  the  Era  of  Good  Feeling — A  Glance  at  Na- 
tional Politics. 


CHAPTER    X 

THE  ERA  OF  THE  TURNPIKE 165-174 

The  Good  Road  Movement — Location  of  Principal  Indus- 
tries 1800  to  1815 — Turnpikes  Necessitated  by  reason1 
of  desire  to  facilitate  Communication  between  Phila- 
delphia and  New  York,  the  need  of  an  outlet  for  Prod- 
ucts of  Fields  and  Mines,  and  the  Creation  of  a  Market 
in  New  York  City — Turnpikes  First  built  in  Northeast- 
ern and  Central  New  Jersey — Newark  as  a  Center — 
The  Paterson  System — Fifty-four  Charters  in  Twenty- 
eight  years — Stage  Coaches,  Roads,  and  Inns  and  Those 
Associated  with  Them — The  Talk  of  the  Taverns. 


CHAPTER    XI 

TWO  FAMOUS  CANALS 175-188 

Plans  for  an  Internal  Waterway  seek  to  unite  the  Rari- 
tan  and  the  Delaware — A  Suggestion  in  1700 — Improve- 
ments of  Navigation  upon  the  Raritan  in  1801 — A 
Charter  in  1804— The  Commission  of.  1823— The  Dela- 
ware and  Raritan  Canal  Company  at  last  comes  into 
Existence  in  1830 — Provisions  of  the  Charter — Commo- 
dore Robert  F.  Stockton  secures  Funds  for  Building  the 
Canal — Work  on  the  Canal  is  Commenced — The  Influence 
of  the  Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad  and  Transportation 
Company — George  P.  MacCulloch  and  his  Plan  for  a 
Canal — A  Legislative  Commission  is  Appointed — Chart- 
ers of  the  Morris  Canal  and  Banking  Company — Engin- 
eering Difficulties  and  the  Inclined  Planes — The  Canal 
Experiences  Financial  Difficulties — A  State  Option. 


CHAPTER    XII 

THE   EARLY  RAILROADS 187-209 

The  "  Monopoly  "  of  Transportation  across  New  Jersey 


12  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

a  Complaint  of  the  Assembly  in  1707 — The  Turnpikes 
between  New  York  and  Philadelphia — The  Career  of 
John  Stevens  and  his  Theories  Concerning  Transporta- 
tion— His  Influence  in  the  State — Stages  and  Ferries — 
The  Investigations  of  William  Strickland — The  Mount 
Holly  Meeting  of  1828 — Its  Recommendations,  Favorable 
to  a  Railroad,  affect  Popular  Thought  throughout  the 
State — The  Union  Line,  or  "  Monopoly  "  Stages,  Advo- 
cate the  Railroad— The  First  "  Lobby  "—The  Com- 
promise of  1S30  and  the  Charter  of  the  Camden  and  Am- 
t)oy  Railroad  and  Transportation  Company — Provisions 
of  the  Charter — The  Engineers — The  Stevens  Rail — The 
Welsh  Ironmasters  come  to  the  Railroad  Company's  Re- 
lief— The  "  John  Bull  "  reaches  Bordentown — The  First 
Test  of  Engine  and  Cars — Matthias  Baldwin  and  his  Ex- 
periments in  Philadelphia — Early  Methods  of  Transpor- 
tation— A  curious  Time  Table — The  Philadelphia  and 
Trenton  Railroad  and  the  New  Jersey  Railroad  enter 
into  "  Traffic  Arrangements,"  and  by  1840  Effect  an  All- 
Rail  Route  between  Philadelphia  and  New  York — Some 
Engineering  Details  of  the  Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad 
— Physical  Condition  of  the  Property  in  1840 — The  Pater- 
son  and  Hudson  River  Railroad  Company,  the  Elizabeth 
and  Somerville  Railroad  Company,  and  their  Develop- 
ment. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

ANDREW     JACKSON     AND     THE     ERA     OF     SOCIAL 

UNREST    211-224 

The  one  Great  Figure  between  Jefferson  and  Lincoln  is 
Andrew  Jackson — What  he  Represented — The  death  of 
Federalism  and  the  Struggle  to  Secure  Material  Reforms 
— Industrial  Conditions  Previous  to  1820 — The  Presiden- 
tial Contest  of  1824 — The  Jackson  Sentiment  in  New 
Jersey  in  1824 — The  Bitterness  of  the  Presidential 
Election  of  1828— Oarret  D.  Wall  and  Peter  D.  Vroom 
become  State  Leaders,  and  in  1833  Jackson  succeeds  in 
Securing  absolute  Control  of  New  Jersey — Influential 
Members  of  Congress — The  Era  of  Social  Unrest  finds 
its  Expression  in  a  Demand  for  Constitutional  Reform 
and  in  Intense  Interest  in  Every  Human  Problem — 
Amusements  and  their  Brutality — Sympathies  of  the 
Educated  People  of  the  State  go  out  to  the  Criminal,  De- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  13 

linquent,  Defective,  and  Dependent  Classes — Important 
Legislation  tending  toward  Reform — Voluntary  Benevo- 
lent and  Charitable  Associations — The  Growth  of  Ma- 
sonry— The  Anti- Masonic  Party  in  New  Jersey — Better- 
ment of  Conditions  among  Farmers. 


CHAPTER   XIV 

A  KING  WHO  LIVED  IN  NEW  JERSEY 225-241 

Joseph  Bonaparte,  ex-King  of  Spain,  and  his  European 
Career — He  Arrives  in  New  York,  Later  Resides  in 
Philadelphia,  and  Comes  to  New  Jersey,  Influenced  by  an 
Argument  of  his  brother  Napoleon  and  from  the  Fact 
that  the  New  Jersey  Legislature  would  Permit  him,  as 
an  alien,  to  hold  Lands — Joseph  Bonaparte  Purchases  an 
Historic  Property  on  the  edge  of  Bordentown — He  vastly 
Improves  the  Estate  and  becomes  Known  to  Americans 
as  the  Count  de  Survilliers — The  First  Mansion  de- 
stroyed by  Fire — The  Kingly  Elegance  of  the  New  Home 
— The  "  Lake  House  " — Charles  Lucien  Bonaparte,  the 
Ornithologist — Some  Famous  Names — The  Personal  Ap- 
pearance of  Joseph  Bonaparte — Those  whom  he  Enter- 
tained— The  Visit  of  Lafayette — Joseph  Bonaparte  de- 
clines the  Crown  of  Mexico,  and  his  Return  to  Europe 
— Subsequent  History  of  "Bonaparte's  Park" — Prince 
Murat  and  his  Ancestry — His  Appearance  at  Bordentown 
and  Marriage  to  Miss  Fraser — Some  of  Prince  Murat's 
Failings — The  Auction  of  1845. 


CHAPTER    XV 

MANUFACTURES  AND  THE  PANIC  OF  1837 243-257 

The  Secondary  Period  of  the  Economic  Development  of 
New  Jersey — The  Industrial  Centers  and  the  Entre  Pre- 
neurs — The  Manufactories  and  the  Workingmen — The 
Status  of  Women — Emigration  between  1817  and  1837 — 
The  Corporation  Idea — The  Morus  Multicaulus  Craze 
and  why  the  Scheme  Failed — Early  Industries — Causes 
of  the  Crisis — The  "  Specie  Circular  " — Distress  in  the 
Great  Cities  and  Governor  Pennington's  Message — Effect 
of  the  Panic  in  New  Jersey — Industrial   Conditions  in 


14  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

1840 — The  Regions  of  the  Glass  Houses,  Iron  Forges, 
Furnaces,  Bloomeries,  and  Foundries — Cotton  Factories, 
Woolen  Mills,  Paper  Mills,  and  lesser  Industries — Ship- 
building Communities — Newark  Assumes  and  its  adja- 
cent Towns  become  Established  as  Industrial  Communi- 
ties. 


CHAPTER    XVI 

THE     EFFORT     TO     SECURE     CONSTITUTIONAL     RE- 
FORM     259-275 

Defects  of  the  State  Constitution  of  July  2,  1776 — The 
Papers  of  "  Eumenes,"  the  Pen  Name  of  William  Griffith 
— Causes  which  had  Prevented  Constitutional  Reform — 
Arguments  of  those  Opposed  to  Revision — Denial  by 
"  Eumenes  "  that  the  New  Jersey  Constitution  was  a  free 
Act  of  the  People — The  "  Emergency  "  Element  in  the 
Framing  of  the  Document — Lack  of  Equality  of  Repre- 
sentation in  the  Provincial  Congress — Experience  of 
other  States  in  Matter  of  Revision — Practical  Denial  by 
"  Eumenes "  that  the  Constitution  was  Republican  in 
Form — Objections  to  Terminology  to  be  found  in  the  Or- 
ganic Law — Objections  as  to  Shortness  of  Time  between 
Elections  and  the  Meeting  of  the  Legislature — Voting  at 
Elections  by  Women  and  Aliens — Recommendations  to 
Correct  these  Defects — The  Doctrine  of  Property  Quali- 
fications for  Electors  and  Members  of  the  House  of 
Assembly  and  Council — The  Attitude  of  the  Provincial 
Congress  upon  this  Question — The  Theory  of  the  Gerry- 
mander Introduced  in  New  Jersey  as  Early  as  1707 — 
The  Powers  of  the  Governor — The  Defects  of  the  Judicial 
System — Excesses  of  Joint  Meeting — How  "  Eumenes  " 
in  1799  Paved  the  Wav  for  Reform  in  1844. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  1844 277-287 

The  Constitution  of  1844  an  Expression  of  the  Onward 
Trend  of  Democratic  Sentiment — Objections  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  177G — Recommendations  of  Governor  Haines 
— Delegates  to  the  Constitutional  Convention — Some  of 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  15 

the  Most  Notable  Names — Organization  of  the  Conven- 
tion— The  Organic  Law  Submitted  to  the  People  for  Rati- 
fication— The  Overwhelming  Vote  in  its  Favor — Radical 
Changes  in  the  Organization  of  Courts  and  in  the  Exten- 
sion of  the  Franchise — Conservatism  Retains  Methods  of 
Selecting  Certain  Officers,  Holding  fast  to  Colonial  Prac- 
tices— The  Pride  of  County — But  few  Changes  made 
Affecting  the  Constitution. 


CHAPTER    XVIII 

DOROTHEA  DIX  AND  HER  MISSION 289-297 

The  Crying  Need  for  Reform  in  the  Treatment  of  the 
Dependent,  Defective,  and  Delinquent  Classes — The  Evils 
of  the  Old  County  Jail  System — Committee  Appointed  to 
gather  Statistics  Concerning  Lunacy  and  Idiocy  and  its 
Report — Dorothea  Dix  and  her  Philanthropic  Visitations 
— What  she  found  in  New  Jersey  and  her  "  Memorial  "  to 
the  Legislature  in  January,  1844 — The  "  State  Asylum 
for  Insane  Persons  " — The  Conditions  Existing  in  County 
Jails  and  Poorhouses — The  Beginnings  of  the  "  Insane 
Asylums  "  near  Trenton. 


CHAPTER    XIX 

A  PHALANX,  AND  WHY  IT  FAILED 299-308 

Schemes  For  Regenerating  the  Social  Order — The 
Theories  of  Penn  in  West  Jersey  and  the  Congregational 
Element  in  East  Jersey — The  Moravians  at  Hope — The 
Economic  Projects  of  the  late  Charles  K.  Landis — The 
Era  of  Social  Unrest  brings  Forward  all  Plans  from 
Crudest  Communism  to  Scientific  Socialism — Charlatan- 
ism Appears — The  North  American  Phalanx  and  Fourier 
— Promoters  of  the  Movement — The  Colony  comes  to 
Red  Bank  in  1844— "Civilizee"  and  "  Philansterianism" 
— The  Development  of  Man  by  "  Divine  Harmony  that 
Comes  Through  Counter  Poise  " — "  The  Protean  Form  of 
Value" — The  Domestic  and  Social  Relations  of  the 
Phalanx — Dress  of  the  Members — Vegetarianism  in  Mon- 
mouth County — Horace  Greeley  and  his  Interest  in  the 
Scheme — A   Decade    of    Experimentation — The    Raritan 


16  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


Bay    Association — The    Phalanx    Breathes    its    Last — 
Causes  for  its  Death. 


CHAPTER    XX 

THE  PULPIT  AND  THE  PRESS 309-325 

The  Mighty  Schism  in  the  Society  of  Friends — Growth  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Denomination — The  Hicksitcs 
grope  for  "  Enlargement "  and  the  Consequences — The 
Four  Quarterly  Meetings  of  the  Society  in  New  Jersey 
before  the  "  Separation  "  and  what  they  Embraced — The 
Division  of  Property  after  the  Schism — The  Era  of  In- 
fluence of  Presbyterianism  in  Central  and  East  Jersey — 
The  Historical  Growth  of  the  Baptist  Denomination — 
The  Sweep  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  over  South 
and  West  Jersey — The  Effect  of  the  Revolution  upon  the 
Protestant  Episcopal  Church — The  Reformed  Dutch  Con- 
gregations— Lutheranism  in  New  Jersey — The  Appear- 
ance of  Roman  Catholics  in  New  Jersey  in  Colonial  Times 
— John  Tatham,  of  Burlington — The  Missionary  Priests 
— Later  Growth  of  that  Faith — Mormonism  in  Old  Mon- 
mouth— The  First  Universalist  Church — The  Character 
of  the  Newspapers  during  the  Middle  of  the  Century — 
Methods  of  News  Gathering — Typographical  Appearance 
and  the  Power  of  the  Editor  as  an  Individual. 


CHAPTER    XXI 

THE  GREAT  SEAL  WAR 327-344 

The  Congressional  Election  of  1838 — The  "  General 
Ticket " — Returns  from  Cumberland  and  Middlesex 
Counties — The  Whig  Struggle  for  Supremacy — The  Atti- 
tude of  the  Governor  and  Council — The  "  War  "  Begins 
— The  Turmoil  in  Congress  during  December,  1830 — 
The  Final  Settlement  of  the  Dispute — The  Great  Seal 
and  its  Adoption  in  177G — Its  Legislative  History — The 
Seal  at  Arms  of  William  Livingston — Francis  Hopkinson 
and  Pierre  Eugene  Du  Simitiere — The  Seals  of  the  Dutch 
and  Swedes — Carteret's  and  Berkeley's  Seals — East  and 
West  Jersey  Seals — The  Seal  of  the  Duke  of  York  and 
Seals  from  Cornbury  to  Franklin — Somewhat  of  their 
Histories. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  17 

CHAPTER    XXII 

THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO 345-358 

The  Romance  of  the  New  West — Texas  Declares  her  In- 
dependence— Her  Diplomatic  Relations  with  the  United 
States  and  Mexico — The  Question  of  Annexation — Dis- 
puted Territory — The  Battles  of  Fort  Brown,  Palo  Alto, 
and  Resaca  de  la  Palma — General  Kearny  and  his  March 
to  California — Commodore  Robert  F.  Stockton  and  his 
Military  Services  Upon  the  Pacific  Slope — The  Conquest 
of  the  Coast  Towns — New  Jersey's  Volunteers  at  Vera 
Cruz — The  Capture  of  Mexico  City  and  the  Subjugation 
of  Smaller  Cities — The  New  Boundary  of  the  United 
States — New  Jersey  Responds  to  President  Polk's  Call 
for  Troops  in  May,  1S46 — The  State  Furnishes  a  Volun- 
teer Regiment — Legislature  Honors  Military  Officers  of 
New  Jersey  in  the  Mexican  War — The  Four  Companies 
of  New  Jersey  Volunteers  under  the  Call  of  April,  1847, 
and  Some  Distinguished  New  Jerseymen  who  Rendered 
Service — The  Tardy  Resolutions  of  1858. 


OH  AFTER    XXII] 

THE  DAYS  OF  STATE  BANKING 358-374 

The  General  State  Banking  Law  of  1850  and  the  Pro- 
visions of  the  Statute — State  Banks  until  18G3 — State 
Banking  Laws  from  1804  to  1850 — The  Financial  Insti- 
tutions of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  before  1804 — 
Popular  Distrust  of  Banking  Methods — The  Newark 
Banking  and  Insurance  Company  and  the  Trenton  Bank- 
ing Company,  Chartered  in  1804,  the  Oldest  Institutions 
in  New  Jersey — The  Jersey  Bank  at  Paulus  Hook — The 
Bank  at  NeAv  Brunswick — The  State  Banks  Chartered  in 
1832  at  Camden,  Trenton,  New  Brunswick,  Elizabeth, 
Newark,  and  Morristown — What  the  Charter  Provided — 
The  Rage  for  State  Banking  Culminates  in  the  Panic  of 
IS."]? — Banks  Incorporated  During  that  Period — An 
Early  "  Pun  "  on  the  Trenton  Banking  Company — The 
Close  of  the  "  Hard    Times. » ' 


18  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

CHAPTER    XXIV 

THREE  DECADES  OF  POLITICS— 1829-59 375-400 

In  1829  Garret  D.  Wall  Defeats  Isaac  H.  Williamson  in 
the  Gubernatorial  Contest  and  then  is  Unable  to  Accept 
the  Office — Peter  D.  Vroom  accepts  the  Position — The 
Political  Attitude  of  Mr.  Wall  and  Mr.  Vrooin — Samuel 
L.  Southard  as  Governor  and  the  Whig  Party  of  1832 — 
He  accepts  the  United  States  Senatorship  and  is  Suc- 
ceeded by  Elias  P.  Seeley  in  February,  1833 — In  October, 
1833,  Peter  D.  Vroom  is  Reelected  Governor  and  the 
Whig  Regime  is  Broken — Mr.  Vroom  Occupies  the  Office 
Unopposed  until  1836 — Philemon  Dickerson  becomes 
Governor — Details  of  the  Vote  and  the  Triumph  of  De- 
mocracy until  October,  1837,  when  "  Hard  Times  "  Drove 
that  Party  from  Power — William  Pennington,  Whig,  Re- 
mains Governor  until  1843 — Candidates  Appearing 
against  Governor  Pennington  and  their  Vote — Influence 
of  the  Great  Seal  War — Daniel  Haines  in  1S43  Defeats 
William  Pennington  for  Reelection — Statistics  of  Con- 
trol of  the  Office  of  Governor  by  the  Great  Political  Par- 
ties— The  Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad  in  Politics — 
Arguments  of  its  Friends  and  Foes — Clay  and  Freling- 
huysen  and  the  Campaign  of  1844 — A  Glance  at  Con- 
temporaneous National  Politics — The  Governorship  un- 
der the  Constitution  of  1844 — The  Series  of  Governors: 
Stratton  in  1844,  Haines  in  1847,  Fort  in  1850,  Price  in 
1853,  Newell  in  1856,  Olden  in  1859,  the  Nominees  who 
opposed  Them,  and  the  Candidates  appearing  before  the 
Party  Conventions — Abstracts  of  the  State  Platforms — 
National  Polities  in  1856 — The  Birth  of  the  Republican 
Party — New  Jersey's  "  Opposition "  Party  of  1S56 — 
William  Lewis  Dayton  appears  as  Chairman  of  the  Con- 
vention— The  "Know  Nothing"  Movement  and  its 
Political  Influence  in  New  Jersey — The  "  Opposition  " 
Element  Unites  with  the  Republicans — The  Trenton 
State  Gazette  Outlines  the  Party  Policy— The  Unfolding 
of  the  Plan  of  National  Destiny. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Peter   D.    Vroom 

Ba inbridge,  William 

Burr,  Aaron 

Dlekerson,  Mahlon 

Doremus  house  at  Rloomfield... 

Frelinghuysen,   Theodore 

Great  Falls  at  Paterson 

Old  mill  on  Saddle  River 

Stockton,  Robert  F 

Van  Wagoner  house  at  Passaic. 
Wall,  Garret  D 


.Frontispiece 
..Facing  p.  9$ 
..Facing  p.  49 
.Facing  p.  169 
.Facing  p.  254 
.Facing  p.  388 
.Facing  p.  200 
.Facing  p.  254 
.Facing  p.  359 
.Facing  p.  200 
.Facing  p.  37S 


PAGE 

A  Colonial  home 60 

"A  Song  for  the  Union" 287 

Adams,    John,    autograph 29 

An  early  ferry  ticket 140 

An   old-time   editor 54 

Armstrong,   General 102 

Arrival  of  Lafayette  in  1S24.  147 

Asbury,  Francis 311 

Bainbridge  medal 96 

Battleship  of  1S12 S2 

Berkeley   and  Carteret,   seal 

of   239 

Birthplace  of  Aaron  Burr 73 

Bonaparte,   Joseph 227 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  house  of.  231 

Brown,  John 400 

Buchanan,  James 397 

Burr,    Aaron 40 

Burr,    Aaron,    birthplace    of.    73 

Burr,  Theodosia 15S 

Caricature  of  Jackson's  war 
on  the  United  States  Bank.  144 

Carnahan,   James 333 

Carteret  and   Berkeley,   seal 

of    230 

"Clermont,"    the 135 

Clinton,  De  Witt 152 

Clinton,    George 33 

Colden   arms 182 

Colden,   Cadwallader  D.,  au- 
tograph     1S2 

Colonial  house,  a 60 


PAGH 

•'  Constitution,"   the 91 

Cooper,  James  Fenimore 67 

Croes,   John 318 

Currency,  one  cent 367 

Currency,   six  cents 370 

Dayton,  William  L 394 

Doane,  George  W 321 

Duelling    ground,    Hamilton- 
Burr  15T 

Duke  of  York,  seal  of 341 

East  Jersey,  seal  of 349 

Ewing,  Charles 220 

Ferry  Ticket,  an  early 140 

Fillmore,    Millard 39» 

Flag  of  France 239 

Floating   battery,    the    Stev- 
ens   200 

Forts    Fish    and    Clinton    in 

1812    104 

Frelinghuysen,    Theodore 387 

Fulton,    Robert 133 

Genet,  E.  C 34 

George  I.,  seal  of 339 

George   II.,   seal   of 343 

Girard,   Stephen 109 

Graves      of      Presidents      of 

Princeton  College fii 

Haines,    Daniel 385 

Hamilton-Burr  duel 163 

Hamilton    -   Burr        duelling 

ground   157 

Hamilton,  Mrs.  Alexander...    ilf 


20 


NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COLONY 


PACK 

Hamilton  monument 365 

Hasbrouck,   A.    Bruyn 2S3 

HornWower,  Joseph  C 2S2 

House  of  Joseph  Bonaparte.  231 
"  House  of  the  Four  Chim- 
neys "   71 

Hull,  Isaac 89 

Jackson,    Andrew 215 

Jay,  John,  home  of 3G 

Kirkpatrick,  Andrew 151 

Lafayette,  arrival  of,  in  1824.  147 

Lafayette    carriage 235 

Lambert,    John 156 

Lawrence,    James Ill 

Lawrence,    James,    tomb    of.. 108 

Liberty  Hall:  Elizabeth 71 

Livingston,   John  H 60 

Livingston,  Robert  R 192 

Madison,    James 3S 

Medal,   Bainbridgo 98 

Medal  commemorating  peace.  US 

Milledoler,    Philip 204 

"  Morven  "    (home    of   Rich- 
ard Stockton) 63 

New  Jersey  stage  coach 16S 

New  Netherland,  seal  of 33S 

New  Sweden,  seal  of 339 

New  York  Harbor 203 

Newell,   William  A 398 

Ogden,  Aaron 87 

Origin"  1      thirteen      colonies 

(map)    22 

Parker,    James,    autograph..  181 

Pennington,  William 383 

Pennington,  William  S 1C0 

Perry,    Commodore S4 

Presbyterian       Church       at 

Newark   314 

Presidents  of  Princeton  Col- 
lege,  graves  of 65 

Price,    Rodman    M 392 

Royal  flag  of  Prance 239 

Rutgers,   Henry 68 


PAGB 

Rutherford    Arms 12$ 

Scarborough,  John 322 

Seal    of   Berkeley   and   Car- 
teret   339 

Seal  of  East  Jersey 340 

Seal  of  George  1 33C 

Seal  of  George  II 343 

Seal  of  New  Netherland 338 

Seal  of  New  Sweden 339 

Seal  of  the  Duke  of  York 311 

Seal   of  1G91 341 

Seal  of  West  Jersey 342 

Seals  and  signatures  to  the 

treaty  of  Ghent.... 113 

Seeley,   Elias   P 380 

^hin-plaster     caricature      of 
Jnckson's      war      on      the 

United   States    Bank 144 

"Song   for  the   Union" 2S7 

South     Orange,      old     stone 

house  at 77 

Snuff   boxes 142 

Southard,    Samuel   L 217 

Stage  coach,  a  New  Jersey..  168 

Starkey,  Thomas  A 325 

Stevens  floating  battery,  the.  200 

Stevens,  John 194 

Stevens,  John  Cox 132 

St'jvons.  Robert  L 197 

Stockton,  Richard,   home  of.    63 
Stone  house  at  South  Orange.    77 

Stmt  ton,   Charles  C 354 

Thirteen     colonies,     map    of 

the   original 22 

Tomb     of     Captain     James 

Lawrence  108 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D 107 

Treaty  of  Ghent,   seals  and 

signatures   of 113 

Van  Dam,  Rip 348 

West  Jersey,  seal  of 342 

Williamson,  Isaac  H 377 


THE  ORIGXWAX.  THIBTEEK  COIjCSIES. 


CHAPTER    1 
The  Formation  of  Poxjetxcal  Parties 


URING  the  later  period  of  the  con- 
federation, tliere  was  no  national 
party  organization.  There  had,  in- 
deed, lasted  beyond  the  close  of  ilie 
Revolutionary  War  the  use  of  the 
terms  "Tory"  and  "Whig,"  which,  however, 
became  more  general  in  their  application,  Tory  in 
popular  language  representing  conservatism. 
Whig  standing  for  radicalism. 

With  States  plunging  toward  anarchy,  their 
commerce  the  prey  of  Algerine  pirates,  and  a  de- 
feated nation  refusing  to  obey  the  terms  of  a 
treaty  of  peace,  there  could  be  but  one  means  of 
salvation — that  of  the  union  of  men  holding 
like  views  upon  the  question  of  a  new  federal 
government.  The  choice  lay  between  a  firm  cen- 
tral power  obeyed  at  home  and  respected  abroad, 
or  a,  series  of  small  independencies  racked  by 
civil  strife.  From  the  chaos  came  the  first  at- 
tempts at  organizing  public  sentiment  along  dis- 
tinctive party  lines.  As  to  what  measures  should 
be  adopted  men's  minds  were  in  a  state  of  flux. 
The  extreme  or  "high  flying"  Federalists  were 
said  to  favor  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy, 
a  view  actually  entertained  by  a  very  limited 
number  of  men,  who  had  previously  been,  in  the 
main,  open  or  secret  Tory  sympathizers.  The 
extreme  anti-Federalists  desired  the  continuation 
of  the  confederation,  leaving  to  the  future  the 


26  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

adjustment  of  all  vexatious  problems.  This  lat- 
ter view  had  popular  support.  Between  the  ex- 
tremes lay  the  mean — men  who  as  Federalists 
and  anti-Federalists  desired  a  republican  form  of 
government,  subject  to  revision  in  case  the  experi- 
ment proved  unsuccessful. 

In  New  Jersey  the  Federal  spirit  was  dominant, 
largely  because  the  State  was  conservative  and 
had  been,  in  colonial  times  and  under  her  con- 
stitution, accustomed  to  the  centralization  of 
power.  The  personal  influence  of  men  of  prom- 
inence largely  swayed  public  opinion.  First  and 
foremost  was  Wiliam  Livingston,  for  fourteen 
years  governor  of  the  State,  himself  a  Federalist. 
With  him  was  the  erudite  John  Witherspoon,  the 
president  of  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  while  of 
scarce  lesser  importance  were  Senators  William 
Paterson  and  Jonathan  Elmer,  Governors  Richard 
Howell  and  Aaron  Ogden,  and  Chief  Justice 
James  Kinsey. 

Not  only  the  leading  lawyers  and  clergy,  but 
nearly  all  the  members  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
the  wealthy  Dutch  landowners  of  the  northeastern 
part  of  the  State,  and  the  entire  Tory  element, 
were  Federalistis  to  a  greater  or  less  degree.  An 
active  agency,  improperly  charged  with  advanc- 
ing the  alleged  monarchial  theories  of  the  ex- 
treme Federalists,  was  the  Society  of  the  Cincin- 
nati.   Organized  at  the  cantonment  of  the  Ameri- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  27 


can  army  on  the  Hudson  River  in  1783,  the  pur- 
poses of  the  society  were  of  the  purest,  its  objects 
being  the  preservation  of  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  whole  people,  the  promoting  and  cherish- 
ing of  union  and  national  honor  among  the  States, 
and  the  stimulating  of  fraternal  affection  among 
its  members.  Confined  to  officers  of  the  con- 
tinental lines,  observing  to  a  limited  extent  the 
rule  of  primogeniture  in  the  selection  of  members, 
and  adopting  an  insignia,  the  society  became  the 
object  of  suspicion,  ridicule,  and  hatred.  This, 
however,  was  not  so  apparent  in  New  Jersey, 
where  a  State  Society  of  the  General  Society  was 
formed  as  early  as  June,  1783.  Many  of  the  mem- 
bers were  avowed  Federalists,  the  State  Society, 
however,  taking  but  little  part  in  politics.  Never- 
theless there  was  bitterness,  and  a  constant  fear 
that  those  men  of  honor,  who  had  fought  upon  the 
fields  of  Trenton  and  Monmouth,  had  starved  in 
Morristown  and  Valley  Forge,  because  they  wore 
a  badge  upon  which  was  engraved  "Omnia  reli- 
quit  servare  rempublicam,"  would  intrigue  with 
England  and  bring  a  prince  of  the  royal  line  to 
rule  over  the  United  States. 

In  New  Jersey  the  opposition  to  the  early 
Federalist  party  was  never  well  defined.  In  the 
first  days  of  the  movement  there  were  few  men 
of  prominence  able  or  willing  to  lead  a  distinc- 
tively popular  propaganda.    Tn  this  element  were 


2S  NEW  JEtfSEY  AS  A  COL 

men  of  local  influence,  men  whose  political  am 
bitions  secured  them  a  temporary  presence  in  the 
House  of  Assembly,  but  who  found  the  way  barred 
for  future  advancement.  There  were  many  who 
sympathized  with  the  anti-Federal  cause,  but 
T.vho  felt  that  too  much  power  should  not  be  given 
to  those  who  in  early  life  had  been  redemptioners, 
keepers  of  stores  at  crossroads,  or  captains  of  sail- 
ing vessels.  One  figure,  however,  looms  up  prom- 
inently as  a  recognized  leader  of  this  unorganized 
host.  It  is  that  of  Abraham  Clark,  of  Elizabeth, 
signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  a  force- 
ful man,  of  arbitrary  political  will,  a  Jackson  in 
miniature.  He  it  was  who,  during  the  legislative 
session  of  1784,  had  the  reputation  of  being  the 
author  of  an  act  "for  Regulating  and  Shortening 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Courts  of  Law."  As  in 
Massachusetts  there  was  in  New  Jersey  an  impera- 
tive demand  for  such  legislation  as  would  stay 
the  "payment  of  debts  and  fulfillment  of  con- 
tracts." Superseded  by  Paterson's  act  of  1700, 
which  was  logical  and  uniform,  Clark's  law  se- 
cured the  redress  for  certain  glaring  evils  and 
brought  him  into  prominence  as  a  candidate  for 
governor  in  1786. 

Around  the  person  of  Governor  Livingston 
centered  the  political  activities  of  New  Jersey. 
His  unquestioned  capacity  as  a  statesman,  his 
achievements  in  the  fields  of  literature,  his  in- 


GNY  AND  AS  A  STATE  29 

tensity  of  purpose  and  unimpeachable  honesty 
made  him  admired  if  not  beloved,  further  than 
this  he  was  the  intimate  friend  of  General  Wash- 
ington, whose  years  of  military  life  in  New  Jersey 
during  the  devolution  had  all  but  idolized  him 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  State.  Where 
Livingston  led  the  masses  were  quite  willing  to 
follow,  for  his  way  led  to  success. 

It  was  but  natural  that  from  177G  to  his  death 
in  1790  Wrilliam  Livingston  should  year  after  year 
be  honored  with  the  position  of  governor  of  New 
Jersey.  Through  the  war  and  the  period  of  sub- 
sequent despair  he  had  controlled  the  destinies 
of  a  small  State,  harassed  by  larger  neighbors 
and  subject  to  political  distractions.  He  had  ac- 
complished one  of  his  life's  desires — the  establish- 
ment of  a  Federal  form  of  government,  in  the 
formation  of  which  New  Jersey  had  played  a  most 
conspicuous  part.  Few  men  had  been  more 
fortunate  in  seeing  their  dreams  realized.  Yet 
in  spite  of  his  patriotic  services  there  was  an  un- 
dercurrent of  opposition  to  Governor  Livingston. 
This  is  clearly  evinced  by  the  proceedings  of  the 
joint  meeting  of  the  Legislature.  From  1776  to 
1700,  during  his  term  of  office,  there  were  only 
five  years— 1777,  1781,  1782,  1788,  and  1789— in 
which  candidates  did  not  appear  against  him. 
The  first  joint  meeting  in  1776  found  Richard 
Stockton   his    opponent,   the   vote   being   a   tie. 


(First  View-President  and  second 
President  of  the  United  States;  fc. 
Oct  30,  173G ;  d.  July  4.  UW.) 


30 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


Stockton  was  later  defeated,  and  being  offered  the 
chief  justiceship  of  the  State  refused  to  accept  the 
office.  In  1778,  1779,  and  1780  General  Philemon 
Dickinson  was  a  candidate  for  governor,  his  sup- 
port never  exceeding  ten  votes,  while  in  1780  the 
name  of  Chief  Justice  Brearley  was  presented  to 
the  Legislature.  In  1783  John  Cooper,  of  Glouces- 
ter received  one  vote.  Cooper  apparently  led  the 
opposition  to  Governor  Livingston,  an  opposition 
which  was  largely  centralized  in  West  Jersey.  In 
1784  General  Elias  Dayton  received  five  votes  for 
governor,  while  in  1785  and  1787  David  Brearley 
again  appears  as  a  candidate.  Governor  Living- 
ston's opponent  in  178G  was  Abraham  Clark. 

With  the  assembling  of  the  first  Congress  in 
1789  party  lines  were  in  great  confusion.  For 
Washington,  as  President,  sixty-nine  electoral 
votes  had  been  cast,  with  thirty-four  for  Joun 
Adams  as  Vice-President  and  thirty-five  scatter- 
ing. In  his  desire  to  avoid  partisanship  Wash- 
ington had  chosen  as  members  of  his  cabinet  two 
men  who  were  afterward  to  lead  the  great  polit- 
ical organizations  of  the  closing  years  of  the  cen- 
tury— Alexander  Hamilton,  the  Federalist,  and 
Thomas  Jefferson,  the  anti-Federalist  or  Repub- 
lican. To  still  further  preserve  the  political  uni- 
ties Edmund  Randolph,  an  associate  of  Jefferson, 
was  selected  as  attorne3'-general,  while  the  chief 
justiceship  of  the  United  States  fell  to  John  Jay 


MRS.  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

(MJ»s  Elizabeth  Schuyler,  daughter  of  General 

Philip  Schuyler,  of  Albany.  N.  Y.) 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  31 

and  the  war  department  to  General  Henry  Knox, 
both  Federalists. 

The  work  of  the  first  Congress  was  directed 
mainly  toward  the  settlement  of  the  tariff  and  the 
regulation  of  commerce,  both  measures  being  gen- 
erally popular  in  New  Jersey.  The  commercial 
spirit  of  the  State  had  found  early  expression  in 
an  attempt  to  adjust  in  a  primitive  way  these  im- 
portant subjects.  Indeed  New  Jersey  had  been 
partially  attracted  to  federal  union  by  the  fact 
that,  with  commercial  matters  in  the  hands  of  a 
federal  government,  she  would  no  longer  be  de- 
pendent upon  the  whims  and  caprices  of  New 
York  and  neighboring  States.  As  early  as  March 
5,  1777,  the  joint  meeting  of  the  Legislature 
elected  commissioners  to  meet  at  Yrork,  Pennsyl- 
vania, with  commissioners  from  New  Yrork,  Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  to 
consider  a  system  "respecting  the  regulating  the 
Price  of  Labour,  of  Manufactures,  and  of  internal 
Produce  within  the  said  States,  and  of  Goods  im- 
ported from  foreign  Parts,  except  military  Stores; 
and  to  confer  upon  such  Measures  as  they  shall 
think  most  expedient  to  remedy  the  Evils  occa- 
sioned by  the  present  fluctuating  and  exorbitant 
Prices  of  the  Articles  aforesaid."  Although  the 
matter  ultimately  came  to  naught  the  principle 
of  protection  to  home  industries  was  recognized  in 


32  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

New  Jersey  nearly  half  a  century  before  it  became 
a  party  tenet. 

With  the  close  of  the  first  session  of  the  second 
Congress,  during'  the  summer  of  1793,  begins  the 
real  history  of  party  organization.  Although  tbe 
original  Federalist  party  had  secured  the  passage 
of  the  constitution,  in  retaining  a  name  it  retained 
its  old  elements  of  strength,  holding  the  support 
of  its  adherents  of  early  days.  Under  the  leader- 
ship of  Alexander  Hamilton,  whose  cabinet  quar- 
rels with  Thomas  Jefferson  filled  every  newspaper, 
the  Federalist  organization  had  been  effected.  Once 
in  existence  party  spirit  knew  no  bounds.  With 
the  undoubted  connivance  of  Jefferson  and  Madi- 
son Philip  Freneau  had  appeared  in  the  govern- 
ment employ  as  an  official  translator,  and  with  his 
National  Gazette  assailed  Hamilton,  Adams,  and 
even  Washington.  All  the  vehement  bitterness  of 
a  pen  ever  dipped  in  gall  animated  his  diatribes. 
His  partisanship  was  unlimited,  his  satire  un- 
bounded. In  the  cabinet  Jefferson  says  that  he 
and  Hamilton  were  "pitted  against  one  another 
like  gamecocks,"  while  Washington,  sorrowfully 
attempting  to  arbitrate,  utterly  failed  to  reconcile 
the  discordant  elements.  It  was  the  beginning 
of  that  period  of  strife  which  required  a  civil  war 
to  answer  the  question:  "Is  the  Union  a 
league  government?"  as  claimed  by  the  strict 
Constructionists  or  Republicans  led  by  Jefferson, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  33 

or  "Is  the  Union  a  centralized  national  govern- 
ment?" as  was  contended  by  the  loose  Construc- 
tionists or  Federalists  led  by  Hamilton. 

Once  more  the  Federalists  and  Republicans 
united  upon  Washington  as  President  in  the  elec- 
tion of  1792.  For  Vice-President  John  Adams  was 
elected  over  George  Clinton,  of  New  York,  the 
candidate  of  the  Republicans. 

From  1700  to  1793  there  had  been  no  outward 
expression  of  change  in  the  sentiment  of  New  Jer- 
sey. Although  the  death  of  William  Livingston 
had  deprived  the  party  of  its  great  local  leader 
the  mantle  of  the  governorship  fell  upon  William 
Paterson,  who  without  opposition  for  three  suc- 
cessive years  until  1793  was  elected  by  joint  meet 
ing  of  the  Legislature. 


On  March  30,  1793,  Governor  Paterson  tendered 
his  resignation  as  governor  of  New  Jersey  by  rea-*^ 
son  of  his  acceptance  of  the  office  of  associate  jus- 
tice of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States; 
and  on  June  3d  the  joint  meeting  of  the  Legisla- 
ture proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  governor  ad 
interim.  The  candidates  were  Richard  Howell, 
who  received  twenty-five  votes;  Frederick  Fre- 
[inghuysen,  who  had  fourteen  votes;  and  John 
Rutherford,  who  had  nine  votes. 

With  the  opening  of  the  spring  of  1793  news  was 
brought  to  America  that  France  had  declared  war 
igainst  Great  Britain  and  Holland.   This  crystal- 


34  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

lized  in  New  Jersey  and  in  other  States,  particu- 
larly in  the  South,  a  strong  republican  spirit.  The 
levelling  tendencies  of  the  French  revolution  had 
awakened  the  support  of  the  extreme  Republicans, 
who  in  their  admiration  for  France  had  been  led 
to  adopt  the  dress  and  manners  of  the  continental 
Revolutionists.  Events  in  1793  passed  with  great 
rapidity.  President  Washington's  proclamation 
?&=&&&.  neutrality  and  the  attitude  of  "Citizen''  Genet, 
the  French  minister,  served  but  to  excite  the  pas- 
sions of  the  pro-French  Republicans.  The  Presi- 
dent was  accused  of  being  an  ally  of  England,  and 
of  attempting  to  abrogate  the  French  treaty  of 
1777.  In  the  first  session  of  the  third  Congress, 
which  met  in  December,  1793,  there  was  an  openly 
expressed  hostility  to  England,  and  preparations 
were  made  for  retaliation  upon  a  nation  against 
which  the  Republicans  made  numerous  charges. 
Refusing  to  abandon  her  military  posts,  or  to  pay 
for  slaves  carried  away  by  her  armies,  under  the 
terms  ofthe  treaty  of  1783,  England  was  accused 
of  inciting  the  Indians  to  attack  upon  the  north- 
western frontier,  of  being  instrumental  in  letting 
loose  the  Algerine  pirates  upon  American  com- 
merce, of  impressing  American  seamen,  and  of 
compelling  corn  ships  bound  for  France  to  seek 
English  ports,  where  they  were  seized  and  the 
captains  and  owners  tried  before  English  judges. 
To  adjust  these  differences  the  Federalists  wished 


OXV   AND  AS  A  STATE  35 

to  create  a  navy  and  preserve  a  strict  nutrality 
between  France  and  England,  while  the  Repub- 
licans wavered  between  a  total  prohibition  of  Eng- 
lish trade  and  the  establishment  of  discriminat- 
ing duties.  In  domestic  affairs  the  Republicans 
were  favoring  a  direct  tax,  censuring  Hamilton's 
management  of  the  treasury,  and  advocating  the 
passage  of  a  constitutional  amendment  securing 
States  against  suits  in  the  United  States  courts. 
This  was  almost  immediately  followed  by  the  re- 
ception of  Jay's  treaty  with  England.  In  spite  of 
its  omissions  to  secure  all  the  rights  of  Ameri- 
cans upon  the  high  seas  and  in  open  ports  that 
extremists  desired  President  Washington  signed 
the  document.  The  Republicans  were  in  a  fury. 
Charged  with  treason,  Washington  was  threat- 
ened with  impeachment  and  assassination. 

In  New  Jersey  the  Federalists  were  enabled  to 
retain  control  of  the  machinery  of  State  govern- 
ment. On  October  25, 1793,  the  ad  interim  succes- 
sor of  Governor  Paterson,  Richard  Howell,  a  pro- 
nounced Federalist,  was  chosen,  unopposed,  and 
was  reelected  in  1794,  although  United  States 
Senator  John  Rutherford  was  presented  to  the 
Legislature  as  a  candidate  for  governor,  but  the 
minutes  of  the  joint  meeting  fail  to  record  the 
vote.  During  the  years  1795,  1796, 1797,  and  1798 
the  election  of  Governor  Howell  was  unanimous 


36  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

and  the  Federalist  party  apparently  had  a  firm 
grasp  upon  the  State  of  New  Jersey. 

Although  the  Republicans  had  failed  to  obtain 
power  in  New  Jersey  a  leader  of  the  party  looms 
large  in  the  first  session  of  the  fourth  Congress. 
This  was  Jonathan  Dayton,  a  member  of  Congress 
from  New  Jersey,  who  had  already,  on  March  27, 
1794,  identified  himself  with  the  Republican  move- 
ment by  moving  to  sequestrate  all  moneys  due 
British  creditors  and  apply  them  towards  indem- 
nifying shipowners  for  losses  incurred  through 
the  orders  in  Council. 

In  opposition  to  Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg,  of 
Pennsylvania,  the  Republicans  presented  Jona- 
than Dayton's  name  as  speaker,  and  after  a  sharp 
contest,  the  house  being  Republican,  Dayton  was 
elected.  Quarreling  with  the  President  over  the 
Jay  treaty,  which  later  operated  far  more  advan- 
tageously than  had  been  generally  expected,  this 
session  of  the  Congress  embraced  the  retirement 
of  General  Washington  into  private  life  and  the 
presidential  election,  in  which  John  Adams  in 
1790  was  elected  President  and  Thomas  Jefferson 
Vice-President. 

From  intense  admiration  of  France  the  United 
States,  in  1797,  turned  to  a  quarrel  with  her  old 
ally.  The  insolent  treatment  of  our  minister, 
Pinckney,  the  demand  of  a  bribe  by  the  directory 
and  a  loan  to  the  republic  under  the  "X.  Y.  Z." 


TDK    HOMK    OI     JOVS    JAY. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  37 

negotiations,  and  the  open  attacks  of  France  upon 
our  commerce  led  to  active  preparations  for  war. 
A  provisional  army  under  the  command  of  Wash- 
ington was  organized,  men-of-war  were  sent  in 
search  of  French  vessels  committing  depredations 
upon  American  commerce,  intercourse  with  France 
was  suspended,  and  all  treaties  with  France  were 
abrogated.  Thus  far  the  display  of  a  war  spirit 
met  with  general  approval,  and  with  the  cry: 
"Millions  for  defense,  not  one  cent  for  tribute," 
the  Federalists  secured  the  support  of  the  masses 
of  Republicans  and  alienated  all  but  the  extrem- 
ists from  their  Francophobia. 

Grown  great  with  sudden  political  success, 
looking  forward  to  absolute  domination  in  the 
republic,  the  Federal  party,  not  content  with  their 
achievements,  entered  upon  a  policy  which 
proved  disastrous,  and  in  one  short  year  prepared 
the  way  for  its  speedy  downfall  and  ultimate 
death.  Upon  June  25,  1798,  Congress  passed  the 
"Alien  law,"  an  act  directed  against  a  large  and 
constantly  increasing  body  of  continental  emi- 
grants, particularly  Frenchmen,  and  most  of  whom 
were  Republicans.  The  statute  authorized  the 
President  "to  order  any  alien  whom  he  should 
judge  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  liberties"  of  the 
United  States  to  depart  from  its  jurisdiction. 
Heavy  penalties  were  imposed  upon  aliens  refus- 
ing to  obey  the  order.     In  less  than  a  month  the 


38 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


M 


"Sedition  Law"  was  enacted,  making  it  a  penal  of- 
fense for  persons  to  combine  or  conspire  to  oppose 
the  measures  of  the  administration,  or  to  utter 
any  false,  scandalous,  or  malicious  writing  against 
the  United  States  Congress  or  the  President  This 
act  was  limited  in  operation  until  March  3,  1801, 
when  the  term  of  office  of  President  Adams  would 
expire.  Instantly  from  the  Republican  press  rose 
the  cry  of  alarm.  A  blow  had  been  struck  at  the 
first  constitutional  amendment  prohibiting  Con- 
gress from  passing  laws  to  abridge  the  freedom 
of  the  press  or  of  speech.  Under  the  guise  of  pa- 
triotism, it  was  said,  the  Federalists  united  dis- 
cordant political  elements  in  a  prospective  war 
with  France,  our  friend  and  savior  in  the  Revolu- 
tion, for  the  only  purpose  of  distracting  attention 
from  a  partisan  scheme  to  secure  control  of  State 
and  Federal  patronage.  The  warlike  attitude  of 
the  United  States  brought  France  to  terms  of 
peace,  and  in  spile  of  clamor  the  Federalists  ob- 
tained control  of  the  sixth  Congress,  1799-1801. 

It  was  at  once  decided  by  the  Republicans  to 
secure  an  expression  of  opinion  from  the  Legis- 
latures of  two  States  where  Republicanism  was  a 
powerful  political  factor.  Under  the  leadership  of 
Madison  in  Virginia  and  Jefferson  in  Kentucky 
the  "Resolutions"  of  those  States  were  adopted 
in  1798.  In  substance  these  resolutions  were  sim- 
ilar, and  in  a  broad  sense  may  be  said  to  be  the 


fe 


fa 


rxiS 


(Fourth  President  of  the  United  States;  b.  March 
16.  1761 ;  d.  June  28,  1836.) 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  39 

first  platform  of  the  strict-construction  party. 
They  declared  that  the  constitution  was  a  com- 
pact by  which  the  States  had  surrendered  only  a 
limited  portion  of  their  powers;  that  whenever  the 
federal  government  undertook  to  step  over  the 
boundary  of  its  delegated  authority  it  was  the 
right  and  duty  of  the  States  to  interpose,  and  main- 
tain the  rights  which  they  had  reserved  to  them- 
selves; that  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  were  a 
usurpation  by  the  Federal  government  of  powers 
not  granted  to  it;  and  that  the  State  of  Virginia 
solemnly  declared  those  laws  to  be  unconstitu- 
tional. Kentucky  took  the  view  that  the  States 
were  one  party  to  the  compact  and  the  federal 
government  was  the  other,  and  that  each  party 
must  be  the  judge  of  infractions  of  the  agreement 
and  of  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress.  An  ap- 
peal to  the  other  States  to  adopt  these  or  similar 
resolutions  having  been  met  with  refusal,  they 
were  repealed  in  1799,  Kentucky,  in  excess  of  Jef- 
ferson's advice,  declaring  that  any  State  might 
rightfully  nullify  and  declare  void  any  act  of  Con- 
gress which  it  might  declare  unconstitutional — a 
precedent  for  the  doctrine  adopted  by  South  Caro- 
lina in  her  Nullification  fiasco  in  1832,  and  by  the 
seceding  States  in  1860-61. 

To  add  to  the  disasters  of  the  Federalists  Presi- 
dent Adams,  without  consultation  with  his  cab- 
inet, sent   envoys   to   negotiate  peace  with   the 


40 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


*\ 


^f3 


[.■y«Mi/is , 


French  Directory,  headed  by  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 
Between  Alexander  Hamilton  and  the  President 
there  was  evident  ill  feeling,  which  later  culmi- 
nated in  the  dismissal  of  the  "British  faction," 
Hamilton's  friends,  from  the  cabinet.  In  revenge 
Hamilton  not  only  attacked  the  President  in 
print,  but  undertook  to  deliver  to  Charles  C. 
Pinckney,  Federalist  candidate  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent, sufficiency  electors  to  insure  him  the  presi- 
dency, while  Adams,  who  was  the  candidate  for 
President,  was  to  be  made  Vice-President.  But 
the  "waiting  policy"  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  his 
rival,  Aaron  Burr,  of  New  York,  had  borne  fruit, 
and  with  the  vote  of  South  Carolina  the  Repub- 
lican electors  in  1801  were  declared  to  have  a  ma- 
jority. 

~  In  New  Jersey  the  intrenched  Federalists  had 
in  their  wild  intoxication  and  misuse  of  power 
erred  in  attempting  to  enforce  the  alien  and  sedi- 
tion laws.  Even  to  the  most  conservative  element 
of  the  party  the  error  appeared  fatal.  The  revolt 
found  its  first  expression  in  the  joint  meeting  of 
the  Legislature  in  October,  1799,  when  even  the 
personal  popularity  of  Governor  Howell  could  not 
prevent  the  nomination  of  Andrew  Kirkpatrick  as 
a  candidate  for  governor.  The  Jeffersonian  seeds 
had  ripened  in  part,  and  although  the  vote  stood 
thirty-three  to  fifteen  in  favor  of  Governor  Howell 
the  Republicans  had  captured  the  entire  delega- 


OXY  AND  AS  A  STATE  41 

tions  from  Essex  and  Morris,  all  four  members  of 
the  House  from  Sussex,  and  one  member  each 
from  Middlesex,  Somerset,  and  Cumberland  Coun- 
ties. 

In  the  eastern  part  of  the  State  not  a  little  mis- 
sionary work  had  been  accomplished  for  the  Re- 
publicans by  members  of  the  Tammany  Society — 
the  Columbian  Order, — named  in  honor  of  the 
Lenni-Lenape"  chief,  Tamenand,  of  whom  it  was 
said  that  he  loved  liberty  more  than  life.  Orig- 
inally formed  in  New  York  City  as  a  patriotic 
organization,  the  Tammany  Society  later  became 
an  active  partisan  organization,  aiding  the  Repub- 
licans in  their  local  and  State  contests.  Through 
President  Washington's  denunciation  of  "self-con- 
stituted societies,"  and  owing  to  the  drastic  action 
of  Republican  organizations  in  Philadelphia  and 
elsewhere  during  the  Whiskey  Insurrection,  the 
Tammany  Society  lost  much  of  its  early  member- 
ship. Thenceforth  under  the  leadership  of  one  of 
its  founders,  William  Mooney,  and  his  sachems, 
the  Tammany  Society  actively  supported  Jeffer- 
son and  the  Republican  administration. 


CHAPTER    II 

Tele  New  Democracy 


IT  WAS  not  alone  the  dissemination  of  the 
doctrines  of  "fraternity,  liberty,  and 
equality,"  nor  the  cockades,  nor  the  toast- 
ing and  boasting  transported  to  America 
from  France  that  assured  the  triumph  of 
Republicanism — the  age  of  the  new  democracy. 
Nor  was  it  the  newspaper  press,  nor  the  fervid  ora- 
tory, nor  the  activity  of  politicians  that  produced 
strange  results.  Each  State  presented  local  con- 
ditions that  advanced  or  retarded  the  movement, 
and  New  Jersey  was  not  an  exception  to  this  rule. 
And  of  these  local  conditions  one  element,  but  lit- 
tle regarded,  had  an  influence  as  weighty  as  it  was 
enduring. 

Into  the  life  of  the  colony  as  early  as  1770,  while 
yet  men's  minds  were  sorely  troubled  with  what 
might  come  from  the  box  of  political  evils  with 
which  the  British  ministry,  Pandora-like,  were 
trifling,  there  had  come  the  apostles  of  a  new  re- 
ligious society,  chief  among  whom  were  an  un- 
known Major  Webb,  of  the  British  Army.  He 
led  a  strange  little  group  of  enhusiasts,  and  there 
were  many  who  remembered  the  earlier  coming  to 
America  of  its  founders — John  and  Charles  Wes- 
ley— and  of  their  work  with  George  Whitefield. 
But  no  one  realized  that  those  who  gathered  to- 
gether the  first  Methodist  societies  in  New  Jersey 
— often  meeting  in  private  houses,  barns,  or  woods 
of  Trenton,   Burlington,   New  Mills  or  Salem — 


46  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

would  later  wield  so  vast  an  influence.  It  was  in 
the  United  States  and  particularly  in  New  Jersey, 
after  the  societies  had  outlived  the  storm  and 
stress  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  that  the  Metho- 
dist Episcopal  Church  underwent  a  metamor- 
phosis. Designed  by  its  founders  as  a  protest 
against  the  ritualism  and  lack  of  zeal  of  the 
Church  of  England,  but  not  as  a  separatist  move- 
ment, Methodism,  like  the  agitation  previous  to 
the  American  Revolution,  outgrew  the  object  for 
which  it  was  instituted.  Boldly  attacking  slav 
ery,  the  older  and  more  conservative  faiths  re- 
garded the  movement  first  with  apathy,  then  with 
intense  interest,  and  finally  with  well-founded  ap- 
prehension. Then  broadening  out  in  matters  of 
polity  the  new  faith  was  intensely  aristocratic 
with  its  bishops  and  presiding  elders,  but  in  its 
relation  to  its  adherents  it  was  as  intensely  demo- 
cratic. To  Methodism  there  was  no  distinctions 
of  color,  of  political  affiliation,  of  age  or  sex.  It 
reached  down  to  the  submerged  class  and  wel- 
comed saint  and  sinner  alike.  Before  its  itinerant 
ministers  the  Deists  trembled  and  fell  into  trances 
under  the  "outpouring  of  the  spirit."  Its  mem- 
bers were  ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron,  casting  aside 
their  jewels,  daily  arising  before  the  sun  for 
prayer,  and  confessing  hidden  sins  in  public.  The 
slave  and  his  master  were  converted  before  the 
same  altar  and  assembled   in  the  same  "class 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  47 

meeting."  Women  became  active  in  the  churches, 
and  gave  a  somewhat  "institutional"  character 
to  the  work  of  the  societies.  Particularly  in  that 
portion  of  New  Jersey  south  of  the  Earitan,  at  the 
opening  of  the  century,  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  gathered  to  itself  all  kinds  and  conditions 
of  men.  In  the  sections  dominated  by  the  Society 
of  Friends  it  grew  with  the  greatest  rapidity.  Men 
of  position  left  the  meeting  of  Fox  for  the  meeting 
of  Wesley.  It  may  have  been  a  hope  for  greater 
freedom  of  personal  action,  and  a  grasping  for  a 
position  where  there  would  be  less  formality.  It 
may  have  been  the  desire  for  a  change,  a  desire 
animating  so  many  men,  the  causes  for  which  are 
too  deep  for  explanation.  It  may  have  been  a 
yearning  for  some  direct  manifestation  of  the  spir- 
itual presence,  but  whatever  the  cause  Methodism 
swept  away  many  a  vestige  of  colonial  lines  of 
social  caste. 

It  has  been  well  said  that  the  great  power  of 
Methodism  over  its  followers  was  that  it  was 
dynamic.  The  itinerant  ministry,  composed  of  men 
of  strong  wills  and  noble  ambitions,  the  system  of 
"Quarterly  Meetings"  bringing  together  people 
who,  previously  unassociated,  met  in  a  fraternal 
spirit,madeMethodism  a  most  active  agent  in  asso- 
ciation. Under  its  influence  barriers  were  broken 
down  and  new  fields  were  open.  Every  member 
became  an  enthusiastic  disciple.    It  was,  in  short, 


48  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

the  ecclesiastical  exponent  of  a  new  democracy 
which  swept  over  the  southern  end  of  the  State 
and  bore  before  it  the  most  cherished  traditions 
of  the  more  conservative  elements  in  the  commu- 
nity. 

As  a  purely  social  influence  such  a  religious  so- 
ciety profoundly  affected  men  who,  in  the  enthusi- 
asm of  recent  conversion,  made  their  political 
actions  conform  to  their  religious  convictions. 
Thus  it  was  wider  in  its  scope  than  the  Whitefield 
movement,  which  depended  so  largely  upon  the 
personal  presence  and  influence  of  one  great  lead- 
er, and  found  its  limitations  in  the  modifications 
of  the  austerities  of  colonial  Calvinism. 

The  spirit  of  the  new  democracy  had  also  per- 
vaded the  laws,  many  of  which  were  revised  by 
Governor  William  Paterson  under  the  authority 
of  the  Legislature  between  1790  and  1800.  The 
crudities  of  Clark's  practice  act  was,  by  Governor 
Paterson,  reduced  to  comparative  perfection  by 
the  new  act  passed  in  1799.  Under  his  wise  direc- 
tion the  practice  of  the  court  of  chancery  was  vast- 
ly improved:  fines  and  common  recoveries,  relics 
of  feudalism,  were  abolished  in  the  same  year,  and 
poor  persons  were  assisted  in  the  prosecution  of 
their  suits  by  free  process,  assignment  of  counsel, 
end  exemption,  if  plaintiff  or  complainant,  from 
the  payment  of  costs. 

By  the  close  of  the  century  benefit  of  clergy  was 


o:ny  asd  as  a  state 


49 


abolished,  while  corruption  of  blood,  disinherison 
of  heirs,  loss  of  dower,  or  forfeiture  of  estate  were 
obliterated  as  penalties  in  cases  of  conviction  or 
judgment.  Cruel  treatment  of  slaves  was  made  an 
indictable  offense,  and  a  penalty  was  imposed 
upon  those  who  violated  the  provisions  of  the 
statute. 

In  the  court  itself  practitioners  of  the  law  laid 
aside  their  gowns.  Governor  Bloomfield  requested 
that  the  members  of  the  bar  practicing  before  him 
as  chancellor  should  cease  the  custom  of  address- 
ing him  as  "Your  excellency,"  while  in  1801  a 
statute  provided  that  any  lawyer  who  should  offer 
to  read  any  compilation,  commentary,  digest,  lec- 
ture, treatise,  or  other  explanation  or  exposition  of 
the  common  law,  or  any  adjudication,  decision,  or 
opinion  made,  had,  or  given  in  any  court  of  law  or 
equity  in  Great  Britain,  written  or  composed  since 
the  4th  of  July,  1776,  should  forfeit  his  licensa 
This  law,  breathing  the  old  spirit  of  opposition  to 
royalty  and  the  new  spirit,  of  democracy,  remained 
on  the  statue  books  for  several  years,  when  it 
was  repealed  through  the  influence  of  vWilliam 
Griffith,  Joseph  Hopkinson,  and  Governor  Isaac 
H.  Williamson.  £     -  NV^'~ 

The  newspapers  of  the  day,  both  Federalists? 
and  Republican,  while  they  lacked  every  form  of 
enterprise  characteristic  of  modern  journalism, 
lacked  neither  the  power  of  vituperation  or  the 


50  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

ability  to  slander  men  and  denounce  measures. 
The  wildest  linguistic  flights  of  the  modern  "yel- 
low newspaper"  fall  far  short  of  the  superhuman 
efforts  made  by  the  editors  of  a  century  ago.  Im- 
partial discussion  was  unknown;  reason  had  no 
place  in  editorial  comment.  In  news  gathering 
the  editors  were  wofully  deficient.  One  may  seek 
in  vain,  even  in  so  conservative  a  sheet  as  Isaac 
Collins's  Gazette,  for  any  allusion  to  the  building 
|  in  which,  during  1784,  Congress  met  in  Trenton. 
/Proceedings  of  public  bodies  were  recorded  in 
briefest  terms,  events  of  the  day  were  neglected  or 
treated  from  a  partisan  standpoint.  It  was  only 
in  marriage  notices,  where  the  bride  was  always 
"amiable,"  "beautiful,"  and  of  the  "most  respect- 
able connections,"  or  in  announcing  deaths,  where 
the  "lamented  relict  was  wrapped  in  the  fatal 
shroud,"  that  the  editor  turned  from  politics  to 
well-meant  prevarication.  Fires  were  "lurid  con- 
flagrations," the  loss  was  always  "considerable," 
the  family  "homeless."  Murders  "startled  the 
community,"  and  hailstones  even  a  century  since 
were  "as  large  as  hen's  eggs."  No  special  features 
adorned  any  newspaper  page,  devoted  as  it  was  to 
long  and  tedious  essays,  political  diatribes,  and 
poetry,  whose  mediocrity  was  only  exceeded  by  its 
length.  Advertisements  alone  remained,  and 
these  possess  more  human  interest  than  all  other 
printed  matter  in  the  newspaper,  as  each  is  a  little 

Jo  tin  H»ary  Livingston,  preelde-nt  of  Qm«mi'»  ([turn 

Rutgers)    College    1S10-25    and    "  the    father   of    the 

Dutch  Reformed  Church   In  America  " ;    fr.   Fought 

keepsie.    N.    Y..    May   30.   1746;   grad.    Yale   Colleg* 

;   ordained  by  the  classls   in  Amsterdam,    1 1 

;     pastor   Reformed   Dutch   Church,    Me* 
";    ardent    patriot;    elected    profeeeoc    of 
theology    and    president    of    Queen's    College,    Wen* 
nsvrtck,  X.  J. ;  d,  there  Jan.  30.  l&g 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  51 

mirror  of  the  needs  and  desires  of  the  people  and 
the  means  taken  to  gratify  them. 

As  early  as  the  Revolution  the  language  used  in 
the  newspapers  was  far  from  formal.  Thus  in 
the  Pennsylvania  Journal,  upon  April  21,  1779,  a 
prisoner,  among  others  captured  in  Sussex  County, 
is  designated  as  "  formerly  a  magistrate  under  the 
tyrant  George  Whelps,  Esq.,  and  lived  at  Cosheck- 
ton — No  doubt  but  the  Court-martial,  which  is 
now  trying  them  will  honour  them  with  a  share  of 
Continental  hemp." 

During  the  next  year  a  correspondent  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Packet,  alluding  to  raids  through 
East  Jersey  proposed  by  the  King's  troops,  says: 

Vaughan,  the  fire-brand  who  has  the  command  on  the  island 
swears  by  the  Eternal  God  he  will  burn  every  house  in  Elizabeth- 
Town.  Our  comfort  is,  that  he  as  well  as  other  Devils  has  his 
chain  ;  bevond  this  he  cannot  go. 

Small  wonder  is  it  that  with  such  precedents 
the  ideals  of  journalism  sunk  lower  and  lower. 

Until  the  opening  of  the  century  several  at- 
tempts had  been  made  in  New  Jersey  to  establish 
newspapers.  Most  of  these  were  failures.  The 
reading  public  was  limited  in  numbers,  local  news 
was  easily  disseminated  by  word  of  mouth,  and 
the  newspapers  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia 
were  to  be  found  in  taverns,  the  well-springs  of 
gossip.  Besides  newspapers  were  expensive,  ow- 
ing to  the  cost  of  white  paper,  the  scarcity  of  type, 


52  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

and  the  cost  of  delivery  by  carrier  or  by  post.  Cir- 
culations were  estimated  in  three  figures,  few  if 
any  reaching  five  hundred,  and  uniformity  in  ad- 
vertising rates  was  practically  unknown. 

Of  the  newspapers  published  in  New  Jersey 
previous  to  1800  but  imperfect  files  remain.  At 
Bridgeton  in  171)5-1706  the  Argus  was  printed  un- 
der the  editorial  direction  of  Alexander  McKenzie 
and  James  D.  Westcott.  As  early  as  December, 
1775,  an  association  was  formed  in  Bridgeton,  of 
which  organization  Dr.  Jonathan  Elmer  was  presi- 
dent and  Ebenezer  Elmer  was  secretary.  The  ob- 
ject of  the  society  was  the  disseminaton  of  pa- 
triotic news  by  means  of  a  written  sheet  known  as 
the  Plain  Dealer,  of  which  eight  numbers  have 
been  preserved.  To  encourage  free  expression  of 
political  opinion  a  notice  was  given  "that  pieces 
handed  in  would  be  corrected  and  transcribed  for 
public  view,  that  they  may  be  read  every  Thursday 
morning  by  any  one  who  will  take  the  trouble  to 
call  at  Matthew  Potter's  bar."  The  Plain  Dealer 
lasted  but  a  short  time,  and  no  subsequent  efforts 
were  made  to  establish  a  newspaper  until  the 
Argus  appeared.  The  short  life  of  the  Argns  was 
traditionally  due  to  an  article  written  by  West- 
cott, who,  replying  to  an  effusion  written  by  Dr. 
Jonathan  Elmer,  so  offended  that  influential  man 
that  he  and  his  friends  withdrew  their  support. 

In  Burlington  in  1790-91  appeared  the  Burling- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  53 

ton  Advertiser  or  Agricultural  and  Political  Intelli- 
gencer, while  at  Chatham,  from  1779  to  1783,  the 
New  Jersey  Journal  was  issued  under  the  direction 
of  Shepard  Kollock.  Under  the  advice  of  General 
Knox  Kollock,  who  had  been  a  lieutenant  in  the 
Revolutionary  Army,  he  established  his  weekly 
paper  among  the  hills  of  Morris  County,  where  hi» 
press,  protected  from  raids  of  the  King's  troops, 
did  effective  service  for  the  cause  of  liberty.  At 
the  close  of  the  war  the  Journal  was  discontinued, 
Kollock  removing  to  New  York  City  after  the 
evacuation  of  the  enemy.  Here  he  printed  a  news- 
paper which  met  with  temporary  success.  From 
1783  to  1785  Kollock  conducted  the  Political  In- 
telligencer and  Neio  Jersey  Advertiser,  which  news- 
paper, upon  being  removed  to  Elizabethtown,  be- 
came the  New  Jersey  Journal  during  the  year  1786. 
Since  then  the  Journal  has  maintained  a  continu- 
ous existence.  So  long  as  Kollock  continued  his 
journalistic  career  he  was  an  unwavering  advo- 
cate of  anti-Federalism,  being  a  hearty  supporter 
of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  of  Madison's  war  policy. 
The  removal  of  Kollock  from  Morris  County 
led  an  enterprising  publisher,  David  Cree,  to  at- 
tempt the  establishment  of  a  newspaper  in  1784. 
Its  career  was  short,  its  very  name  being  un- 
known. In  1797-08  Elijah  Cooper  and  Jacob  Mann 
issued  the  Morris  County  Gazette,  the  press  being 
the  property  of  Caleb  Russell.    In  1798  the  Qenius 


54 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


of  Liberty  was  born,  its  editor  being  Jacob  Mann, 
who  in  1801  became  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Trenton  True  American. 

In  Newark  it  appears  that  Hugh  Gaine,  as  early 
as  1776,  printed  his  New  York  Gazette  and  Weekly 
Mercury  in  the  city,  although  it  was  not  until  1791 
that  Woods's  Newark  Gazette,  a  Federalist  publi- 
cation, appeared,  which  was  continued  until  1797. 
In  opposition  to  the  Newark  Gazette  the  Centinel 
of  Freedom  was  first  issued  in  1796,  with  Daniel 
Dodge  as  printer  and  Aaron  Pennington  as  editor. 
Intensely  anti-Federal,  this  newspaper  quarrelled 
bitterly  with  the  Federal  administration,  and  be- 
came one  of  the  means  of  establishing  the  party  of 
Jefferson  in  Essex  County.  The  Centinel  of  Free- 
dom was  later  merged  into  the  Newark  Daily  Ad- 
vertiser. In  1797  the  Newark  Gazette  appeared  un- 
der the  proprietorship  of  John  H.  Williams  and 
Jacob  Halsey  and  Company,  while  in  1798  the 
short-lived  Rural  Magazine  met  the  fate  of  so  many 
similar  publications. 

New  Brunswick  was  early  the  home  of  news- 
papers. From  1783  to  1785  the  Political  Intelli- 
gencer and  New  Jersey  Advertiser  was  issued  by 
Shepard  Kollock,  which  in  1786  was  followed  by 
the  Brunswick  Gazette  under  the  editorship 
of  Abraham  Blauvelt,  who  published  the  paper 
nntil  1792.  During  the  same  period  Shelly  Arnett 
the  editor  of  the  Brunswick  Gazette  and  Week 


AN  OLD-TIME  EDITOR. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  55 

ly  Monitor,  while  in  the  years  1788-87  the  New  Jer- 
sey Magazine  was  printed  by  Frederick  Quequelle 
and  James  Prange. 

The  year  1792  saw  the  appearance  of  the 
Guardian  or  New  Brunswick  Advertiser,  by  Arnett 
and  Blauvelt,  Arnett  retiring  in  1793.  From  1793 
to  1796  Shelly  Arnett  was  the  proprietor  of  Ar- 
nett's  New  Jersey  Federalist,  the  Genius  of  Liberty, 
and  the  New  Brunswick  Advertiser,  an  associate  in 
the  venture  being  George  F.  Hopkins. 

In  Sussex  County  from  1796  to  1798  the  Farm- 
er's  Journal  and  Newton  Advertiser  was  printed  un- 
der the  direction  of  Elliott  Hopkins  and  William 
Huston.  During  1786  and  1787  the  Princeton 
Packet  and  General  Advertiser,  by  James  Tod,  had 
an  equally  brief  career. 

The  failure  of  Isaac  Collins  in  1786  to  sustain  the 
Ncid  Jersey  Gazette,  in  spite  of  powerful  influences, 
did  not  discourage  other  publishers  from  coming  to 
Trenton.  During  1787-88  the  Trenton  Mercury 
and  the  Weekly  Advertiser  were  published  by 
Frederick  C.  Quequelle  and  George  M.  Wilson, 
while  in  1791  the  New  Jersey  State  Gazette,  pub- 
lished by  George  Sherman  and  John  Mershon, 
entered  upon  a  long  career. 

The  year  1801  witnessed  the  appearance  of  the 
Trenton  True  American,  which  in  the  central  and 
southern  portions  of  the  State  was  the  most  influ- 
ential of  all  Republican  or  Jeffersonian  news- 
papers.   This  paper  has  existed  for  a  century. 


CHAPTER   III 
Old  Homes  and  Old  Names 


WHEN  the  century  was  new  there 
were  scattered  through  the  vil- 
lages of  New  Jersey  many  of 
those  bearing  the  names  of 
original  emigrants  and  living  in 
ancestral  homes.  To  glance  at  these,  noting  the 
geographical  distribution  of  family  patronymics, 
to  record  some — and  only  a  few — of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished, and  to  touch  lightly  upon  certain  char- 
acteristics of  architecture  will  give  an  insight  into 
a  certain  phase  of  social  life  now  almost  forgot- 
ten. 

Of  the  homes  upon  the  narrow  strip  of  fertile 
mainland  that  fringed  the  bays  between  Squan 
and  Cape  May  none  was  more  conspicuous  than 
the  Somers  mansion  at  Somers  Point.  Abundant 
in  its  memories  of  Captain  Richard  Somers  and 
his  tragic  death  in  the  waters  of  theMediterranean 
Sea,  it  was  nevertheless  a  scene  of  many  gaieties, 
there  being  entertained  the  patriotic  Colonel 
Richard  Westcott,  of  May's  Landing;  the  Wests, 
who  came  from  their  stately,  retired  home  at  Ca- 
tawba; the  Learnings,  the  Spicers,  and  Townsends, 
of  Cape  May;  and  the  Mays,  of  May's  Landing. 

To  the  southward  lay  a  line  of  plantation  houses 
upon  the  seacoast  of  Cape  May  County.  Conform- 
ing to  the  prevailing  type  of  seacoast  architecture 
from  Long  Island  to  North  Carolina,  the  houses 
were  usually  low  and  rambling,  frequently  faced 


60  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

with  riven  white  cedar  shingles,  their  interiors  be- 
ing of  oak,  red  cedar,  holly,  and  gum.  Here  dwelt 
those  whose  names  are  best  known  in  the  annals  of 
the  merchant  marine — the  Corsons,  Cresses,  Skel- 
lingers,  Stiles,  Youngs, Eldridges,Crawfords, Hew- 
itts, Goldens,  Willetts,  and  Whilldens.  Then  there 
were  the  owners  of  the  great  estates,  who  lived  in 
simple  elegance;  the  Learnings,  with  their  slaves; 
the  Ludlams,  of  Dennis  Neck,  some  of  whom  kept 
their  deer  parks;  the  Steelmans  and  the  Hughes. 
Long  since  the  old  whaling  town  of  Portsmouth, 
near  Cape  May,  had  been  swallowed  up  by  the  sea, 
leaving  only  "Coxe  Hall,"  where  the  manorial 
lord,  Colonel  Daniel  Coxe,  had  rented  out  his  lands 
on  payment  of  fat  capons  on  feast  days.  Farther 
north,  when  one  had  crossed  the  wastes  of  old 
Gloucester  and  had  come  to  the  province  line  sepa- 
rating modern  Burlington  from  old  Monmouth, 
there  stood,  at  Tuckerton,  the  mansion  of  Judge 
Ebenezer  Tucker,  while  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Mullica  River  and  its  tributary  streams,  and  along 
the  shores  of  Barnegat  Bay,  were  the  homes  of  the 
Cranmers,  Frenches,  Andrews,  Gaunts,  Parkers, 
Osbornes,  and  Falkinburgs,  the  latter  traditional- 
ly descendants  of  Henry  Jacobs,  Indian  interpreter 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Delaware.  Those  of  Cape 
May,  old  Gloucester,  Burlington,  and  old  Mon- 
mouth formed  a  community  of  identical  interests, 
holding  close  to  old-time  traditions  and  modes  of 


▲  COLONIAL  HOME. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  61 

life,  and,  like  the  Ininans,  of  Long  Beach,  who 
went  a-whaling  as  late  as  1825,  having  their  daily 
affairs  closely  associated  with  the  sea. 

From  the  broad  meadows  of  the  Maurice  River 
Valley  to  the  ancient  settlements  between  Wood- 
bury and  Camden  the  mansions  of  the  landed  pro- 
prietors were  largely  of  brick,  although  as  far  north 
as  Salem  the  wooden  houses  of  the  seacoast  were 
by  no  means  infrequent.  Centering  at  Bridgeton, 
the  home  of  the  Elmers,  Bowens,  Bucks,  Whites, 
Woodruffs,  and  many  another  family  of  equal 
prominence,  the  social  and  political  life  of  Cum- 
berland County  converged.  In  the  Dividing  Creek 
section  were  the  Sheppards,  Garrisons,  and 
Reeves;  at  Fairfield  the  Harrises,  Ogdens,  and 
Batemans;  at  Greenwich  the  Fithians,  Dares, 
Reeves,  Holmes,  Maskells,  Mulfords,  Bacons, 
Parvins,  and  Seeleys.  Near  Port  Elizabeth,  at 
Spring  Garden  Ferry,  had  stood  the  Swedish 
church  in  whose  yard  were  the  graves  of  Moss- 
landers,  Vanamans,  and  Petersons,  while  at  Port 
Elizabeth  were  the  Lores,  the  Bricks,  of  Bricks- 
boro,  and  the  mansions  of  the  Lees,  Townsends, 
and  Quaker  Ogdens. 

Crossing  the  line  into  Salem  County,  Salem  City 
presented  a  type  of  life  distinctly  Virginian.  Hos- 
pitality abounded,  the  spirit  of  slavery  died  slowly, 
men  took  life  easily.  It  was  Salem — "the  peace- 
ful."    Here  were   stately   homes — those   of  the 


62  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

Sharpes,  the  Carpenters,  the  Halls,  the  Sinnick- 
sons,  the  Cripps,  with  memories  of  Swedish  days 
and  of  the  little  colony  of  Frenchmen  led  by  Hyp- 
poiite  Le  Fever.  At  Pittsgrove,  named  in  honor  of 
the  great  English  statesman  and  friend  of  Ameri- 
can liberties,  were  the  Vanmeters,  the  Newkirks, 
the  DuBois,  the  Sparks,  and  the  Garrisons.  At 
Friesburg,  by  the  Wistar  glass  works,  was 
a  colony  of  Germans,  whose  descendants 
brought  skilled  labor  to  every  glass  house 
in  Southern  New  Jersey,  while  at  Lower 
Alloway's  Creek  were  the  Moores,  Sayres, 
and  Hancocks,  and  the  traditions  of  that 
staunch  patriot,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Eakin,  of  the 
Penn's  Neck  Church,  a  second  Whitefield,  and 
deified  by  the  Revolutionary  soldiery.  The  Han- 
cocks of  the  "Bridge,"  the  Pedricks,  and  the  Mat- 
lacks  are  but  a  few  of  famous  family  names  of  this 
region. 

Within  the  limits  of  that  portion  of  old  Glouces- 
ter now  embraced  in  the  lines  of  Gloucester  and 
Camden  Counties  no  one  family  was  more  con- 
spicuous than  the  Coopers,  whose  ferries  lie  at  the 
foundations  of  Camden  City's  growth,  and  whose 
title  deeds  embraced  many  a  broad  acre.  It  was 
in  the  city  of  Camden,  whose  farms  were  then  re- 
mote from  Philadelphia,  that  famous  duels  were 
fought,  of  which  one  never  to  be  forgotten  was 
that  in  which  the  eccentric  William  Cobbett  and 


GNY  AND  AS  A  STATE  63 

the  scholarly  Mathew  Carey  participated,  while 
ranging  throughout  the  entire  section  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Gloucester  Fox  Hunting  Club  drove  its 
prey  forty  miles  to  Salem,  or  well  nigh  within 
sight  of  the  sea.  From  I7TG  to  1818  its  member- 
ship embraced  those  who  were  prominent  in  the 
First  City  Troop  of  Philadelphia,  and  gave  to  the 
New  Jersey  organization  a  reputation  second  only 
to  that  other  world-famous  Philadelphia  Club,  the 
"Colony,"  and  later  the  "State  in  Schuylkill."  Of 
the  Gloucester  fox  hunters  the  leader  was  Jonas 
Cattell,  a  man  of  superior  strength,  who  upon  one 
occasion  walked  from  Woodbury  to  Cape  May,  a 
distance  of  eighty  miles,  bearing  a  letter,  and  re- 
turned the  next  day  with  an  answer. 

Upon  or  near  the  river  front  were  the  Kaighns, 
the  Kays,  the  Haddons,  the  Matlacks,  the  Spicers, 
the  Collins — all  members  of  the  Society  of 
Friends, — while  Swedesboro  had  in  its  vicinity  the 
Rambos,  Helms,  Keens,  Hoffmans,  and  Vanne- 
mans,  and  yet  talked  of  its  old  pastor,  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Collin,  who  made  the  first  translation  of  Israel 
Acrelius's  "History  of  New  Sweden."  At  Haddon- 
field  the  council  of  safety  and  State  Legislature 
had  assembled  in  the  darkest  days  of  the  Revolu- 
tion; at  Arawamus  Gloucester  folk  had  set  up  an 
independent  county  government  while  yet  the 
province  was  young.  At  the  "Landing"  were  the 
Chews.     Erick  Mullica  had   given  his  name  to 


"  MORVEW." 
(Home  of  Richard  Stockton,  the  srigner.  at  Princeton.) 


64  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Mullica  Hill,  and  Woodbury  had  been  long  settled 
by  the  Quakers. 

The  great  and  wealthy  County  of  Burling- 
ton lost  but  little  of  its  colonial  conditions. 
Burlington,  the  ancient  capital  of  WTest  Jer- 
sey, in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  seat  of  the  coun- 
ty's political  government  had  been  moved  to 
Mount  Holly,  was  still  a  center  of  social  and  par- 
ticularly of  intellectual  life.  From  the  press  of 
the  Allinsons  had  gone  out  many  a  book  and 
pamphlet.  Here  had  come  Elias  Boudinot  to  write 
his  "Star  of  the  West,"  while  in  old  Saint  Mary's 
yard  lay  the  bones  of  William  Bradford,  first  at- 
torney-general of  the  United  States.  On  Green 
Bank  was  the  home  of  the  Binneys,  here  had  been 
the  mansion  of  Governor  William  Franklin,  here 
had  resided  the  Smiths,  the  Sterlings,  the  Mor- 
rises, and  the  Schuylers,  famed  in  divers  walks  of 
life.  Nor  had  Mount  Holly  been  lacking  as  a  place 
of  prominence.  Here  Stephen  Girard  had  laid  the 
foundations  of  his  fortune  and  married  a  beauti- 
ful wife,  while  tradition  had  it  that  William  IV, 
King  of  England,  had  once  resided  in  one  of  the 
small  streets,  and,  driven  from  Philadelphia  by 
the  yellow  fever  and  from  San  Domingo  by  up- 
risings, a  French  element  had  been  infused  into 
the  local  population.  Near  by  dwelt  the  Wool- 
raans,  at  Rancocas;  the  Eayres,  plantation  and 
millowners,  of  Eayrestown;  the  Burrs,  of  Vincent- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


65 


town;  while  at  Quaxon  and  at  Edgepelick  Brain- 
erd  had  preached  to  the  last  of  the  Lenni-Lenapes. 
New  Mills,  the  home  of  Colonel  Eeynolds,  of  the 
Revolution,  and  the  Budds,  had  not  yet  received 
the  name  of  Pemberton,  while  through  the  rich 
lands  of  Chesterfield  and  Springfield,  the  Blacks, 
Newbolds,  and  Bishops  held  social  sway.  Still 
farther  to  the  east  Arneystown,  WrightstowTn, 
and  Sykesville  commemorate  the  names  of  planta- 
tion-owning families. 

At  Bordentown  the  Bordens  and  the  Hopkin- 
sons  were  awaiting  the  coming  of  a  deposed  King 
of  Spain,  who  was  soon  to  establish  a  court — al- 
most regal — in  the  white  mansion  of  Point  Breeze. 

It  was  but  natural  that  around  the  then  new 
state  capital  of  Trenton,  the  home  of  the  govern- 
ors and  men  of  political  prominence  in  New  Jer- 
sey, much  of  the  social  life  of  the  section  should  be 
drawn.  In  the  city  itself  there  were  the  families 
of  the  settlers — descendants  of  Mahlon  Stacy, 
the  founder;  of  Chief  Justice  William  Trent,  for 
whom  the  town  was  named;  as  well  as  of  such 
pioneer  folk  as  Howell,  Lanning,  Ely,  Reeder, 
Reed,  Hutchinson,  Potts,  Scudder,  and  Chambers. 
In  nearby  Hopewell  were  the  Stouts,  Houghs,  Bur- 
roughs, Harts,  Mershons,  Tituses,  Phillipses,  Well- 
ings,  and  the  homes  of  Colonel  Jacob  Houghton,  a 
Revolutionary  hero,  and  Wilson  P.  Hunt,  leader 
of  the  first  commercial  expedition  sent  by  John 


SOME   OP   THE   GRAVES   OF  THE   PRESI- 


66  NEW  JEIJSEY  AS  A  COL 

Jacob  Astor  to  the  Pacific  slope,  and  immortalized 
in  Washington  Irving's  "Astoria."  To  the  south 
of  Trenton  were  the  Quaker  settlers  of  Notting- 
ham, the  Abbotts,  and  the  Watsons;  in  Lawrence 
(then  called  Maidenhead)  were  the  Greens,  Bel- 
lerjeaus,  and  Bainbridges. 

Throughout  the  continent  Princeton  was  fa- 
mous. Leading  the  social  life  of  the  town  were 
the  Stocktons,  of  "Morven,"  who  a  century  since 
had  left  the  old  home  at  Burlington,  and  in  the 
cemetery,  since  called  the  "Westminster  of  Amer- 
ica," lay  these  presidents  of  the  college:  Aaron 
Burr,  Sr.,  Samuel  Davies,  John  Witherspoon,  and 
Samuel  Stanhope  Smith.  Commodore  William 
Bainbridge  had  been  born  in  the  town.  Aaron 
Burr,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  was 
soon  to  sleep  there  beside  his  father.  And  near 
by  Princeton  was  Kingston,  with  its  two  famous 
inns:  Withington's,  familiar  as  a  stopping  place 
on  the  journey  between  Philadelphia  and  New 
York,  and  Van  Tilburgh's,  the  temporary  home  of 
governors,  federal  senators,  and  politicians  of 
lesser  note. 

Of  what  is  now  Monmouth  County  Freehold  was 
a  recognized  center.  As  the  shire  town  it  pos- 
sessed antiquity  and  had  been  long  known  as  Mon- 
mouth Court  House.  Here  were  the  families  of 
Colonel  Thomas  Henderson,  the  Cowenhovens,  the 
Van  Cleves,  the  Vanderveers,  of  Sheriff  David 


OXY   AXD  AS  A  STATE 


67 


Forman,  and  of  General  David  Forinan,  known 
in  the  devolution  as  "Black  David"  or  "Devil 
David."  Tennent  church,  with  its  memories  of 
Whitefield,  Brainerd,  and  the  Tennents,  was  hard 
by,  while  at  Tinton  Falls  Colonel  Morris,  years 
agone,  had  established  his  iron  works.  Joshua 
Huddy,  in  the  Revolution,  had  defended  his  home 
at  Colt's  Neck  against  the  marauding  mulatto, 
Colonel  Tye,  and  the  Eatons  had  given  their  name 
to  a  village. 

Along  the  "North  Shore"  in  the  Middletown 
region — in  honor  of  the  Scotch  settlers  called  New 
Aberdeen — were  the  Stouts,  Grovers,  Holmes, 
Coxs,  Pattersons,  and  Whites.  Among  them  had 
come  the  French  Huguenots,  chief  of  their  de- 
scendants being  Philip  Freneau,  of  Mount  Pleas- 
ant, while  Sandy  Hook,  with  its  legends  of  the  In- 
dians and  its  traditions  of  piracy,  immortalized 
by  James  Fenimore  Cooper  in  the  "Water 
Witch,"  had  been  a  part  of  the  great  estate  of  the 
Hartshornes,  of  Portland  Point.  Upon  the  west- 
ern side  of  the  county,  in  the  farms  of  Cream 
Ridge,  were  the  Gills,  of  Eglington,  the  Montgom 
erys,  the  Imlays  of  Imlaystown,  and  others  scare 
less  prominent. 

Around  New  Brunswick — earliest  known  as 
Inian's  Ferry — had  settled  a  thrifty  but  conserva- 
tive colony  of  Hollanders  from  Albany  anrl  its  vi- 
cinity.    The  city  was  rich  in  traditions — of 


JAMES  KKNIMORP!  COOPHR. 


68 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


/ '(>ni<j   iL*~fa 


*s*3. 


elegance  of  the  home  of  Philip  French,  of  the  hos- 
pitality of  the  Schuremans,  the  VanDeusens,  and 
the  Neilsons,  of  the  volume-filling  deeds  of  mari- 
time valor  of  Captain  Adam  Hyler  and  Captain 
Marriner,  residents  of  the  town,  who  ranged  the 
coast  from  Sandy  Hook  to  Cape  May.  Then  there 
was  Queen's  College,  struggling  amid  its  vicissi- 
tudes, and  the  quiet  life  of  the  good  people,  the 
porches  of  whose  homes  opened  out  upon  the 
Raritan,  and  before  whose  doors  the  figure  of  Com- 
modore Vanderbilt  was  soon  to  pass  as  he  rose 
from  poverty  to  affluence.  Bayward  was  Perth 
Amboy,  the  story  of  whose  social  life  in  the  Revo- 
lution was  told  by  William  Dunlap,  the  portrait 
painter.  Here  were  the  old  "Saint  Peter's  set," 
,led  by  the  Parkers  and  the  Skinners  and  others 
qually  prominent — names  that  were  social  pass- 
prts.  Nearby  was  the  Piscataway  region  with 
y#he  Fitzrandolphs,  the  Drakes,  the  Freemans,  the 
Dunhams,  the  Molesons,  the  Grubbs,  the  Slaugh- 
ters, the  Laflowers,  with  central  figures,  Dr.  Moses 
Bloomfield,  and  Colonel  Zebulon  M.  Pike,  the  ex- 
plorer of  the  western  continent,  whose  boyhood 
was  spent  in  Woodbridge  after  his  birth  in  Lam- 
bertou,  an  early  suburb  of  Trenton. 

Through  the  valley  of  the  Raritan,  among  the 
hills  of  Somerset  and  Hunterdon  Counties,  were 
many  homes  of  the  Dutch  settlers,  who  so  stamped 
their  individuality  upon  that  portion  of  the  State. 


Henry  Rutgers,  b.  in  New  York  City,  Oct.  7,  J745; 
a.  there  unmarried  Feb.  17,  1830 ;  grad.  Columbia  Col- 
lege 1776;  colonel  in  Continental  army  In  the  Revo- 
lution ;  member  New  York  Legislature  and  a  regent 
of  the  State  University ;  became  a  patron  of  Queen's 
College,  which  Dame,  In  hla  honor,  was  changed  to 
Rutgers  College,  Dec.  S,  1826. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  69 

Of  these  old  mansions  few  were  of  wood,  nearly  all 
being  built  of  stone,  and  differing  much  from  the 
brick  type  of  the  southern  central  part  of  New 
Jersey  or  the  wooden  houses  of  the  seacoast.  Of 
the  homes  in  Somerset  that  of  William  Alexander, 
Lord  Stirling,  was  most  notable,  being  even  more 
elegant  than  that  of  his  kinsmen,  the  Stevens  fam- 
ily. Yet  at  Basking  Ridge  were  the  residences  of 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Finley,  projector  of  the  African  Colo- 
nization Society,  of  the  Southards — Samuel  Lewis, 
senator  of  the  United  States,  and  his  father, 
Henry,  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
who,  by  a  strange  coincidence  served  upon  a  joint 
committee  of  Congress  in  the  discussion  of  the 
"Missouri  Compromise"  measure.  At  and  near 
Somerville  the  Wallace  House  as  well  as  the  home 
of  General  John  Frelinghuysen  and  the  residence 
of  the  Rev.  J.  S.  Vredenburgh  were  conspicuous, 
while  upon  the  banks  of  the  Raritan  were  the  man- 
sions of  Colonel  Vroom,  the  Dumonts,  the  Van 
Nestes,  and  of  the  Van  Derveers,  at  which  latter 
home  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  of  the  patroon 
family  of  New  York,  married  a  daughter  of  the 
Hon.  William  Paterson.  At  Millstone  was  the 
home  of  General  Frederick  Frelinghuysen,  at 
Rocky  Hill  the  homes  of  the  Van  Horns  and  the 
Rerriens. 

Nor  had  Hunterdon  County  mansions  less  in- 
terest.    To   the   county  seat  the  Flemings  had 


70  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

given  their  name,  while  Readington  had  become 
the  home  of  an  old  Gloucester  County  family,  one 
of  whose  members,  John  Reading,  had  twice  acted 
as  colonial  governor  of  New  Jersey.  In  honor  of 
John  Lambert,  also  acting  governor  of  New  Jer- 
sey, Coryell's  Ferry  had  become  Lambertvilie, 
while  at  Ringoes  was  a  famous  tavern  kept  by  a 
family  of  that  name.  Hunt's  Mills  became  Clin- 
ton, while  through  the  county  were  the  Byrams, 
Reas,  Voorhees,  Potters,  Lowreys,  Sergeants, 
Cases,  and  Apgars, — a  few  of  many  old  patro- 
nymics. 

Of  the  names  of  famous  men  and  their  homes  in 
Elizabethtown  that  of  Governor  William  Living- 
ston and  "Liberty  Hall"  is  unquestionably  the 
most  conspicuous,  even  among  those  of  General 
Matthias  Ogden,  Chancellor  Williamson,  General 
William  Crane,  and  John  Chetwood.  Yet  there 
is  one  who  must  not  be  forgotten — the  Reverend 
James  Caldwell,  the  martyr  of  the  Revolution. 
There,  too,  was  the  Governor  Ogden  house,  former- 
ly the  residence  of  Governor  Belcher.  In  this 
house  had  been  entertained  Jonathan  Edwards, 
General  Washington,  Alexander  Hamilton,  and 
later  General  Lafayette. 

In  Elizabethtown  a  strong  French  emigration 
had  identified  itself  with  the  early  life  of  the  set- 
tlement. The  distinctive  Calvinistic  characteris- 
tics marking  the  growth  of  Elizabethtown  had  at- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


71 


tracted  thither  a  small  colony  of  Huguenots,  led 
by  the  Budinots,  and  of  which  other  families 
were  the  Vergereaus,  the  Jouets,  and  the  Noes. 
Superimposed  upon  this  emigration  was  another 
element  of  French  stock,  which  came  to  America 
by  way  of  the  West  Indies,  driven  thence  at  the 
close  of  the  eighteenth  century  as  emigre's,  and 
seeking  in  Elizabethtown  freedom  from  oppres- 
sion. Mrs.  Emeline  G.  Pierson,  in  a  paper  read  in 
1895  before  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society,  has 
preserved  the  names  of  some  of  these,  most  of 
whom  were  members  of  Saint  John's  Protestant 
Episcopal  Parish.  There  were  the  Lady  Anne 
Eenee  Defoerger  de  Mauperrins,  widow  of  the 
Baron  de  Clugny,  governor  of  the  Island  of 
Guadeloupe,  Marie  de  Rousalat  Campbell,  and 
such  families  as  the  De  Clots  (who  entertained 
Jerome  Bonaparte  and  his  wife,  whom  he  had 
married  in  Baltimore),  the  De  Touchimberts,  De 
Maroles,  Malherbes,  Cahierres,  Liliertdns,t^u 
Bucs,  Godets,  Triyons,  Cuyers,  Dufors,  and  llos- 
querons,  as  well  as  Terrier  de  Laistre  and  A1-. 
monde  Tugonne.  To  the  town  this  colony,  now  al- 
most forgotten,  gave  a  touch  of  vivid  color,  and  in 
their  mansions,  now  so  largely  destroyed  or  aban- 
doned, entertained  the  most  conspicuous  people  in 
the  State. 

Of  this  French  colony  its  most  prominent  figure 
was  unquestionably  Joseph  Louis,  Count  d'An 


UBKRTT  HATJi :    ELIZABETHTOWN. 


72  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

terroches,  born  at  the  chateau  of  Puy  Darnac  near 
Tulle,  Limousin,  Department  of  La  Coreze,  France, 
upon  August  25,  1753.  As  the  second  son  he  was 
educated  for  the  church,  his  elder  brother,  the 
Vicomte  d'Anterroches,  becoming  one  of  the  lieu- 
tenant marshals  of  France.  The  vicomte  emi- 
grated to  London  at  the  time  of  the  French  revolu- 
tion and,  dying  there  in  exile,  left  no  male  issue. 
Thus  Joseph  Louis  ultimately  became  the  head  of 
his  family.  The  young  man  studied  with  his 
uncle,  Alexander  Caesar  d'Anterroches,  Bishop  of 
Condom,  but  finally  concluded  that  he  preferred 
a  military  life  and  ran  away  from  France  and 
joined  the  English  army,  his  parents  buying  him 
a  commission.  He  was  made  an  ensign  in  the 
Sixty-second  Foot  in  177G.  This  regiment  formed 
a  part  of  Burgoyne's  army,  and  young  d'Anter- 
roches was  captured  by  the  Americans  in  a  skir- 
mish just  prior  to  the  surrender  of  Saratoga.  He 
immediately  asked  for  writing  material  and  com- 
municating with  his  kinsman,  Marquis  de  La- 
fayette, "the  two  young  Frenchmen  were  soon  in 
each  other's  arms."  During  the  remainder  of  the 
Revolution  the  count,  then  known  as  "the  Cheva- 
lier," seems  to  have  been  in  the  American  lines, 
no  doubt  a  prisoner  on  parole.  His  situation  thus 
complicated  was  also  embarrassing  in  that,  while 
holding  a  commission  in  the  British  Army,  his 
own  country,  France,  had  taken  part  with   the 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  73 

Americans.  He  married  in  1780  Mary,  daughter 
of  Captain  David  Vanderpoel,  of  Chatham  Bridge, 
New  Jersey.  After  the  war  they  went  to  New 
York  and  at  the  French  legation  a  second  cere- 
mony was  performed  in  order  to  conform  to  the 
requirements  of  the  French  law. 

Finally  settling  in  Elizabethtown  about  1781, 
the  Count  d'Anterroches  several  times  visited 
France  and  upon  the  occasion  of  his  last  visit,  was 
apprehended  by  the  authorities  of  the  French  re- 
public as  an  emigre",  and  thrown  into  prison. 
Documentary  proof  of  his  residence  in  Elizabeth- 
town  before  the  French  revolution  ultimately  se- 
cured his  release.  In  the  Whiskey  Insurrection  of 
1794  he  volunteered  and  was  appointed  major  and 
aide-de-camp  on  the  staff  of  General  Anthony 
Walton  White.  Later  when  war  with  France  was 
imminent  he  offered  his  services  to  his  adopted 
country  and  was  commissioned  by  President 
Adams  as  a  captain  in  the  provisional  army.  On 
the  back  of  his  miniature,  now  in  the  possession  of 
his  great-grandson,  Warren  E.  Dix,  of  Elizabeth, 
he  is  described  as  a  "consummate  tactician,  pos- 
sessing the  art  of  imparting  his  knowledge  to  oth- 
ers and  gaining  their  confidence  and  affection." 
Dying  in  France  upon  the  18th  of  January,  1814, 
the  Count  d'Anterroches  left  no  descendants  of 
his  name  in  America.  Through  the  female  line 
there  are  numerous  descendants. 


BIRTHPLACE  OF  AARON  BURR. 
(The  old  parsonage  at  Newark.) 


74  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Near  Railway  had  lived  Abraham  Clark,  that 
unique  figure  in  politics,  and  John  Lawrence,  who 
had  immortalized  himself  in  these  quaint  obituary 
lines: 

From  London  truly  famed  came  I, 
Was  born  in  Stains  a  place  near  by, 
In  Rahway  of  old  age  did  die, 
And  here  intomb'd  in  earth  must  lie, 
Till  Christ,  ye  dead  calls  from  on  high. 

Around  Springfield  were  the  Denmans,  the  Van 
Winckles,  and  the  Whiteheads,  and  about  West- 
field  the  Bakers,  Marshes,  Piersons,  Robinsons, 
Yeomans,  Corys,  Cranes,  Meekers,  Hatfields,  and 
Littells. 

At  Newark  were  many  notable  men  resident 
upon  Broad  Street.  On  the  east  side  of  that  great 
thoroughfare  were  Judge  Elisha  Boudinot,  Dr. 
Uzal  Johnson,  the  Ogden  mansion  near  Market 
Street,  the  home  of  John  Noble  Cumming,  the 
Crane  and  Hayes  houses,  and  the  mansion  of  Judge 
William  Burnet,  while  upon  the  west  side  were 
the  home  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Ogden,  the  Sayres 
mansion,  the  parsonage  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church,  occupied  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Macwhorter, 
where  Vice-President  Aaron  Burr  was  born,  and 
the  home  of  Peter  J.  Van  Beckel,  minister  from 
Holland  to  the  United  States.  Here  were  the  of- 
fices of  the  Centinel  of  Freedom  and  Woods's 
Gazette,  the  taverns  of  Gifford  and  of  Sayre,  and 
the  old  jail. 


"  HOU8E  OF  THE  FOUR  CHIMNEYS." 

(Described  bj  Waehington  Irving  in  hin  Knickerbocker  Tales.     BuiH 

b?  thf  "Van  Home  family  in  1801,  at  CoromuDipaw.  and  still 

standing.) 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  75 

In  Orange  were  the  homes  of  Senator  John  Con- 
diet  and  Dr.  Isaac  Pierson,  while  at  Belleville 
were  the  old  houses  of  Colonel  John  Schuyler  and 
his  irascible  pastor,  Rev.  Gerardus  Haugevort,  and 
near  the  mines  the  home  of  Colonel  Peter  Schuy- 
ler, near  whom  lived  Josiah  Hornblower,  the  ar- 
tisan-scientist. In  this  region  people  still  remem- 
ber the  famous  garden  of  Colonel  Peter  Schuyler 
which  so  attracted  the  attention  of  Rev.  Andrew 
Burnaby,  vicar  of  Greenwich,  an  observant  Eng- 
lishman, who  travelled  through  New  Jersey  about 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Burnaby 
was  impressed,  as,  indeed  he  might  be,  with 
Schuyler's  rare  collections  of  tropical  plants,  cit- 
rons, oranges,  limes,  lemons,  balsams  of  Peru, 
aloes,  and  pomegranates,  while  near  by  was  a  park 
in  which  were  kept  deer  and  moose. 

In  Jersey  City  and  the  present  smaller  cities 
of  Hudson  County  there  were  old  families,  de- 
scendants of  the  Dutch  settlers,  against  whom 
Washington  Irving  drove  the  shafts  of  his  wit  in 
his  description  of  Communipaw.  Many  an  acre 
lay  in  the  hands  of  the  Van  Vorsts,  the  Van 
Winkles,  the  Van  Raypens,  the  Vreelands,  and 
the  descendants  of  the  Berrys,  the  Lawrences,  and 
the  Cadmuses.  Across  the  meadows  lay  Hacken- 
eack  and  the  uplands  of  Bergen  County,  where 
nearly  every  family  name  was  traceable  to  Hol- 
land  ancestry.     There   in   the  town   had  dwelt 


76  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Mayor  Richard  Varick,  of  New  York,  and  the 
distinguished  Peter  Wilson,  D.D.,  of  fame  amoDg 
lawyers,  teachers,  and  ministers.  This  influence 
of  Holland  swept  across  the  Passaic  and  left  in 
the  settlement  of  the  county  of  that  name  families 
of  the  sturdiest  of  Dutch  emigration. 

With  the  growth  of  Morris  County  there  had 
come  into  its  wide  valley  those  of  the  elder  stock 
of  the  more  eastern  portion  of  the  State.  In  Madi- 
son— first  known  as  Bottle  Hill — were  the  Hal- 
seys,  Burnets,  Lums,  Millers,  and  Hortons;  in 
Hanover  the  Tuttles,  Kitchells,  and  Richards;  at 
Mendham  the  Byrams  and  the  Drakes;  while  some 
historians  credit  Morristown  with  being  the  birth- 
place of  Daniel  Morgan,  who,  early  taken  to  Vir- 
ginia, became  the  famous  scout  of  the  Revolution. 
Near  Dover  was  a  home — almost  palatial — of  the 
Hon.  Mahlon  Dickerson.  Into  the  western  part  of 
the  county  came  the  Schooleys  and  the  Budds, 
the  latter  from  Burlington  County,  while  that 
strange  New  England  sect,  the  "Rogerines,"  lived 
at  or  near  Succasunny. 

Sussex  County,  although  partially  settled,  had 
many  a  family  whose  descendants  later  gained 
prominence  in  New  Jersey.  It  was  early  the  train- 
ing ground  of  men  of  intellectual  activity,  and 
furnished  in  the  upbuilding  of  Newark  and  other 
cites  of  the  eastern  portion  of  New  Jersey  ele- 
ments of  strength.    Thus  at  Branchville  were  the 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


77 


Colts,  Prices,  Gustins,  and  De  Witts;  in  the  Still- 
water region  the  Swartwouts,  Hunts,  and  Bark- 
ers, who  had  defended  the  county  in  the  Indian 
raids;  the  Coopers  and  Deckers,  of  Deckertown; 
the  Meddaughs,  Westbrooks,  Jobes,  Winfields, 
Wildricks,  and  Shumars,  of  Wantage;  and  the 
widely  scattered  Anderson  family. 

In  Warren  County  there  had  been  Colonel  Will- 
iam McCullough,  of  Asbury,  a  town  named  in 
honor  of  Bishop  Asbury;  at  Hard  wick  the  Shafers, 
Dyers,  Wilsons,  and  Lundys,  Samuel  Hackett,  of 
Hackettstown,  and  Major  Robert  Hoopes,  of  Bel- 
videre.  And  among  them  all  were  the  peace-seek- 
ing Moravians  at  Hope,  who  from  1770  to  180(>, 
in  following  the  spiritual  teachings  of  Count 
Zinzendorf,  had  essayed  the  establishment  of  a 
community,  but  were  doomed  to  disappointment 


tftlM."' 


OLD   STONE   HOUSE   AT   SOUTH   ORANGE. 


CHAPTER    IV 
Politics  and  the  War  of  1812 


THE  opening  of  the  second  war  with 
England  found  New  Jersey  pecul- 
iarly exposed  to  the  assaults  of  an 
enemy.  On  either  side  of  the  State, 
as  in  the  Revolution,  lay  two  great 
commercial  cities,  tempting  prizes  for  the  great 
fleet  which  the  British  were  preparing  to  send  to 
the  North  Atlantic  coasts.  To  the  west  was 
Philadelphia,  glorying  in  a  vast  commerce,  trad- 
ing with  the  East  and  West  Indies,  with  the 
Southern  States,  and  with  the  important  seaports 
of  Europe.  To  the  east  was  New  York,  rapidly 
becoming  Philadelphia's  rival,  possessing  the  ad- 
vantage of  a  wide  and  deep  harbor  and  an  open 
waterway  leading  to  the  rich  and  rapidly  develop- 
ing agricultural  section  of  the  central  part  of  the 
Empire  State.  To  capture  either  or  both  of  these 
cities,  desolate  the  surrounding  country,  and  de- 
mand an  adequate  ransom  was  the  dream  of  the 
British  government — a  dream  alone  unrealized  be- 
cause of  the  daring,  the  sacrifice,  the  loyalty  of 
American  sailors  upon  the  ships  of  war  which 
scoured  the  high  seas. 

Since  the  Revolution  the  seacoast  of  New  Jer- 
sey had  remained  quite  unsettled.  Of  the  towns 
between  Sandy  Hook  and  Cape  May  Tuckerton 
had  grown  into  a  place  of  importance;  the  re- 
maining sections  were  undeveloped  and  unim- 
proved.   Upon  Delaware  Bay,  however,  there  was 


82 


NEW  JERSEY  ASS  A  COL 


more  enterprise.  The  Maurice  River  Valley  had 
within  its  limits  the  new  but  progressive  village 
of  Port  Elizabeth,  Bridgeton  had  become  a  large 
center,  Salem  and  Woodbury  were  places  of  trade, 
while  dreamers  and  visionaries  saw  a  future  Cam- 
den at  Cooper's  Ferries.  Around  New  York  there 
had  been  much  greater  growth.  Jersey  City  was 
springing  from  the  marshes,  Paterson  and  New- 
ark had  their  manufactories,  population  was  cen- 
tering, and  in  embryonic  form  was  taking  on  early 
phases  of  city  life.  Therefore  New  Jersey  had 
much  at  stake. 

But  in  times  of  peace  the  lessons  of  the  Revo- 
lution had  been  forgotten.  As  in  a  past  century, 
the  State  was  unprepared  in  the  organization  of 
its  militia.  Occasional  training  days,  with  their 
fights  and  frolics,  were  little  better  than  useless. 
If  success  in  arms  came  it  was  only  through 
adaptability  and  shrewdness,  not  through  disci- 
pline and  technical  military  knowledge. 

It  was  not  apathy  alone,  however,  that  rendered 
the  position  of  New  Jersey  insecure.  There  was 
in  the  State,  and  had  been  since  the  first  mutter- 
ings  of  war,  a  large  and  influential  "peace  party," 
composed  politically  of  Federalists,  and  having 
as  its  adherents  two  classes  of  citizens  who  sought 
widely  different  motives.  One  of  these 
opposed  to  hostilities  upon  purely  hu- 
manitarian    grounds.       Once     more     the     story 


A  BATTLBeHTP  OF  VSK. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  83 

of  the  devolution  was  repeated.  The  So- 
ciety t)f  Friends,  as  a  body,  arrayed  them- 
selves against  the  war,  not  so  much  in 
any  spirit  of  disloyalty  as  in  obedience  to 
the  oft-expressed  declarations  of  non-combatancy. 
The  influence  of  such  a  position  was  far  reaching. 
Later,  when  in  the  midst  of  hostilities,  when  New 
Jersey  was  most  exposed  to  attack,  Governor 
William  S.  Pennington,  an  administration  leader, 
delivered  an  inaugural  message  recognizing  the 
justice  of  the  ethical  position  taken  by  the  Society. 
Upon  the  13th  of  January,  1814,  the  governor 
called  attention  to  this  "virtuous,  respectable, 
and  useful  class  of  citizens,"  and  asked  the  Legis- 
lature if  "it  would  not  best  comport  with  the 
honor  and  interest  of  the  State  wholly  to  exempt 
such  members  of  this  religious  society  as  come 
within  our  militia  laws  from  all  military  duty, 
both  in  war  and  peace."  In  addition  the 
governor  suggested  a  graduated  tax  to  be 
levied  in  times  of  peace  and  war,  the  collections 
to  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  purposes  of  civil 
government.  Owing  to  the  possible  unconstitu- 
tionality of  such  an  act  the  suggestion  was  not 
adopted.  The  second  element  in  the  "peace 
party"  was  moved  by  no  ethical  considerations. 
To  a  growing  body  of  manufacturers,  common  car- 
riers, and  merchants  war  meant  disaster.  The 
position  taken  by  New  England  found  some  sup- 


84 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


Y 


commodohjb  fkrrt. 


port  in  New  Jersey,  and  from  the  first  a  spirit  of 
opposition  to  war  measures  hindered  the  organiza- 
tion and  equipment  of  the  militia  and  offered  but 
tardy  assistance  in  coast  protection.  So  strenuous 
was  the  spirit  of  antagonism  that  Governor  Pen- 
nington ultimately  addressed  himself  to  the  Leg- 
islature, and  in  the  same  message  in  which  he  hon- 
ored the  position  of  the  Society  of  Friends  at- 
tacked with  bitterness  the  commercial  greed  of 
the  remainder  of  the  "peace  party."  Of  the  op- 
ponents of  the  war  he  said: 

The  br.neful  spirit  of  Mercantile  Monopoly,  injustice  and  oppres- 
sion *  *  *  are  now,  by  means  of  British  example,  British 
attachment,  and  it  is  apprehended,  British  influence,  corrupting 
our  citizens  and  producing  profligate  combinations,  not  only  itr 
monopolizing  articles  of  foreign  production,  but  engrossing  and 
forestalling  the  indispensable  necessaries  of  life,  thereby  answering 
the  double  purpose  of  acquiring  gain  and  creating  discontent,  art- 
fully laving  at  the  door  of  government  evils  caused  by  their  own 
turpitude. 

Nor  was  the  situation  relieved  by  the  virulence 
of  the  party  press.  The  Republican  newspapers, 
aggressively  triumphant,  the  Federalist  journals, 
sustaining  their  dying  partisan  cause,  left  un- 
touched no  political  or  personal  scandal.  Every 
item  of  news  was  distorted;  men  and  measures 
were  assailed  with  a  bias  and  bitterness  unknown 
in  modern  journalism.  From  legislative  proceed- 
ings a  clearer  but  by  no  means  perfect  view  of 
public  questions  may  be  had,  yet  even  to  the  gOV- 


OMTcr  Hazard  Perry,  the  hero  of  the  batUe  on 
Lake  Erie  1813;  b.  South  Kingston,  R.  I.,  Aug.  23, 
178ft ;  midshipman  1T9S  ;  served  throughout  the  War 
of  1812-16 ;  <t  Port  Spain,  Island  of  Trinidad,  Aug.  23, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  85 

ernor's  messages  and  in  the  resolutions  of  the 
House  of  Assembly  and  Council  the  spirit  of  par- 
tisanship gave  an  intensity  of  expression,  almost 
dramatic,  and  an  earnestness  which  shows  how 
deep  an  impression  the  progress  of  the  war  made 
upon  the  State. 

The  winter  of  the  years  1811-12  found  the  Repub- 
licans in  control  of  the  machinery  of  State  govern- 
ment and  the  leaders  of  New  Jersey's  dominant 
political  party  in  accord  with  the  policy  of  the 
national  administration.  In  spite  of  all  efforts 
the  Federalists,  with  their  slowly  decreasing  but 
still  influential  minority,  had  failed  to  protract 
the  commencement  of  hostilities.  War  was  inevit- 
able, and  to  the  end  that  the  attitude  of  New  Jer- 
sey should  be  clearly  defined  the  House  of  Assem- 
bly, upon  the  11th  of  January,  1812,  resolved  that 
the  government  of  New  Jersey  entertained  a  full 
and  perfect  confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  integrity 
of  the  federal  government,  and  that  New  Jersey 
would  readily  accord  in  any  measures  proper  for 
the  redress  of  national  honor,  and  to  this  end  the 
persons  and  the  property  of  the  citizens  of  the 
State  were  pledged. 

These  resolutions  were  preceded  by  a  brief  re- 
view of  the  circumstances  leading  to  a  possible 
declaration  of  war.  The  European  situation,  the 
hostilities  of  frontier  savages,  the  attack  on  the 
"Chesapeake,"   the  refusal    of   Great   Britain   to 


86  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

adopt  the  rule  "Free  Ships  make  Free  Goods," 
were  not  in  themselves  sufficient  cause  for  bel- 
ligerent action,  said  the  Legislature,  but  the  real 
causes  of  complaint  were  dual  and  left  no  doubt 
or  hesitation  in  the  mind. 

First  was  the  abominable  practice  of  impress- 
ing native  American  seamen  while  in  the  pursuit 
of  a  lawful  commerce,  forcing  them  on  board 
Great  Britain's  ships  of  war,  and  compelling 
them,  under  the  lash,  to  fight  against  nations  with 
whom  the  United  States  was  at  peace  and  even 
against  the  United  States  itself. 

Second  were  the  depredations  on  the  legitimate 
commerce  of  America,  it  being  avowed  by  the  Brit- 
ish government  that  an  American-built  ship, 
owned  by  citizens  of  the  United  States,  navigated 
by  native  American  seamen,  laden  with  goods, 
the  growth  and  manufacture  of  the  United 
States,  not  contraband  of  war,  and  bound  to  a 
belligerent  port,  which  was  neither  invested  nor 
blockaded,  was  subject  by  the  orders  of  the  Brit- 
ish government  to  seizure  and  condemnation.  In 
this  respect,  said  the  Legislature,  "the  flagitious 
conduct  of  the  rulers  of  Great  Britain  needs  no 
comment;  it  is  too  notorious  to  be  denied,  too  pal- 
pable to  be  susceptible  of  explanation,  and  too 
atrocious  for  palliation  or  excuse." 

The  introduction  of  these  resolutions  met  with 
approval  throughout  New  Jersey,  being  stimula- 


O'XY  AND  AS  A   STATE 


87 


tive  to  the  subsequent  declaration  of  war  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Briain  during  June 
of  the  same  year.  In  the  position  taken  by  New 
Jersey  the  Federalists  saw  the  death  of  their 
party,  and  as  a  last  resort  used  a  trick  then  as 
novel  as  it  has  since  become  necessary.  A  super- 
human and  successful  effort  was  made  by  the  Fed- 
eralists to  drag  the  State  from  its  Democratic  an- 
chorage, and  in  the  fall  elections  of  1812  the  party 
succeeded  in  controlling  the  House  of  Assembly 
and  Council  and  in  electing  Aaron  Ogden  gov- 
ernor. Then  it  was  that  the  Federal  leaders,  imi- 
tating the  tactics  of  the  Massachusetts  Democrats 
in  1811,  introduced  the  famous  "Gerrymander'' 
into  New  Jersey  politics.  Resorting  to  legisla- 
tion, every  effort  was  made  to  sustain  the  party 
in  power.  Foreseeing  the  probabilities  of  Demo- 
cratic success,  a  Federal  Legislature  on  October 
29,  1812,  passed  an  act  directing  that  elect- 
ors for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  should  be  appointed  in  joint 
meeting  of  Council  and  Assembly,  and  upon 
the  7th  of  November  enacted  that  representatives 
in  Congress  should  be  elected  by  districts,  two 
members  to  each  district.  This  statute  created 
three  districts:  one  composed  of  the  Counties  of 
Bergen,  Sussex,  Essex,  and  Morris,  the  second  em- 
bracing the  Counties  of  Middlesex,  Monmouth, 
Somerset,  and  Hunterdon,  and  the  third  the  Coun- 


Q    OtfdtwU,    Uut.O.,    tlflh    XOV4VUOI'   of    Now 

i£l2-13;  o.  Elizabethtown  Deo.  3,  176« ;  great-graad- 
eon  of  Jonathan  Ogden,  one  of  the  original  aflBCCiatee 
of  Ifco  Ellzabethtown  purchase:  grad.  Princeton  Col- 
lego  1773  ;  lawyer ;  Joined  the  Continental  army  TT77  : 
fifth  president  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  i*R8 
V   8    Benator  18M  ;  d  Jersey  City.  April  19.  18*. 


88  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

ties  of  Burlington,  Gloucester,  Cape  May,  Cum- 
berland, and  Salem. 

The  Democrats  were  loud  in  their  protests,  de- 
claring that  both  acts  were  unconstitutional,  and 
the  State  was  vastly  stirred,  a  condition  by  no 
means  alleviated  by  reason  of  the  declarations  of 
the  legislative  attitude  of  the  Federalists  of  New 
Jersey  concerning  the  war.  Upon  the  10th  of 
November,  immediately  following  the  passage  of 
the  gerrymander,  the  House  of  Assembly  boldly 
denounced  the  continuance  of  the  struggle,  declar- 
ing that  a  great,  prosperous,  and  happy  nation, 
without  preparation,  had  been  suddenly  plunged 
into  an  unnecessary  war,  and  that  liberty,  national 
honor,  independence — all  that  the  Revolution  ac- 
complished— had  been  put  to  the  hazard  of  a  hope- 
less contest.  Following  this  line  of  argument,  the 
members  of  the  General  Assembly  declared  that 
war  with  Great  Britain  was  "inexpedient,  ill 
timed,  and  most  dangerously  impolitic,"  that  the 
contest  was  as  improvidently  commenced  as  its 
conduct  had  proved  wasteful  and  disastrous,  that 
the  course  leading  to  a  connection  with  the  mili- 
tary despotism  of  France  was  more  dangerous 
than  the  war  itself,  that  an  investigation  into  the 
cause  of  the  war  be  conducted,  that  a  negotiation 
for  a  treaty  of  peace  be  opened,  but  that  so  long 
as  the  country  be  involved  in  war  New  Jersey 
would  endeavor  to  preserve  the  union,  defend  the 


OXY   AM)  AH  A  STATE 


89 


State  and  advance  the  safety  and  honor  of  the 
republic. 

Upon  this  resolution  a  vote  was  taken  showing 
by  the  attitude  of  the  members  of  the  house  of  a 
clearly  defined  sentiment  throughout  the  State 
regarding  the  war.  The  delegations  from  the 
Counties  of  Cumberland,  Essex,  Morris,  Salem, 
and  Sussex,  with  one  member  from  Hunterdon, 
voted  against  the  resolutions,  while  the  resolu- 
tions were  favored  by  the  members  from  Bergen, 
Burlington,  Cape  May,  Gloucester,  Middlesex, 
Monmouth,  and  Somerset,  with  a  majority  of  the 
members  from  the  County  of  Hunterdon.  It  will 
be  noticed  that  the  counties  in  which  the  anti- 
war sentiments  of  the  Society  of  Friends  were 
strongest  were  a  unit,  and  that  with  the  exception 
of  Essex  all  the  counties  of  East  Jersey,  in  the 
vicinity  of  New  York,  were  in  favor  of  the  discon- 
tinuance of  hostilities. 

Although  differing  radically  from  the  national 
administration,  with  a  large  portion  of  the  Fed- 
eral party  unfavorable  to  war,  Governor  Ogden 
met  conditions  as  he  found  them,  and  by  his  dis- 
play of  energy  disproved  the  attacks  of  disloyalty 
made  against  him  and  his  party  on  the  part  of  the; 
Democratic  press.  Upon  the  21st  of  January,  1813 
the  governor  called  the  attention  of  the  Legisla- 
ture to  the  unpreparedness  of  the  State  in  case  of 
invasion  and  urged  the  training  of  the  militia,  and 


Isaac  Hall,  b.  Derby.  Conn.,  March  t.  1773;  it. 
Philadelphia,  Pa.,  Feb.  13,  18«;  srad.  Tale  Collet;? 
177* ;  entered  the  navy ;  commanded  the  "  Condtltu- 
«ian  "  in  that  chip's  wucouoter  -with  the  "  GuerrSem" 


WeJZ- 


i-flX4ZCJ5^- 


*4W&Cs 


90  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

in  every  way  endeavored  to  attest  his  loyalty. 
Further,  not  only  upon  the  field,  but  at  sea,  sol- 
diers and  sailors,  avowed  Federalists,  were  among 
the  most  conspicuous  of  those  who  brought  vic- 
tory to  American  arms.  Yet  such  loyalty  availed 
the  party  but  little  in  its  struggle  to  retain  power 
and  place  in  New  Jersey. 

From  the  drastic  nature  of  partisan  legislation, 
to  which  the  voters  of  the  State  were  unaccus- 
tomed, there  was  a  speedy  and  successful  revolt. 
The  year  of  power — 1813 — in  which  Federalism 
had  dominated  State  politics  hastened  rather 
than  retarded  the  lingering  death  which  had 
fastened  itself  upon  the  party.  In  spite  of  prom- 
ises to  sustain  the  struggle,  peace  measures,  for 
which  Federalism,  in  general,  stood,  savored  too 
much  of  that  New  England  spirit  which  in  Decem- 
ber, 1814,  found  its  fullest  expression  in  the  atti- 
tude of  the  Hartford  convention.  New  Jersey 
wanted  none  of  such  doctrines,  and  it  occasioned 
no  surprise  that  in  the  autumnal  elections  of  1813 
the  Democrats  were  swept  into  control  and  Will- 
iam S.  Pennington  was  elected  governor  by  the 
Legislature.  In  his  first  annual  message  Gover- 
nor Pennington  reviewed  the  situation  as  to  war 
measures,  congratulating  the  State,  although  in 
an  exposed  condition,  on  being  free  from  invasion, 
grateful  that  abundant  harvests  had  blessed  the 
husbandman,  and  that  domestic  and  public  manu- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


91 


factures  had  prospered  beyond  the  most  sanguine 
expectations. 

In  his  message  of  January  13,  1814,  Governor 
Pennington  called  attention  to  the  dispositions 
made  by  the  general  government  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  city  and  port  of  New  York,  but  viewed 
with  alarm  the  exposed  condition  of  the  shore  of 
New  Jersey  from  Sandy  Hook  to  Cape  May  and 
thence  up  Delaware  Bay.  For  protection  of  such 
exposed  points  the  governor  recommended  the 
placing  of  adquate  field  artillery  and  the  enrol- 
ment of  corps  of  patriotic  citizens.  Such  confi- 
dence was  reposed  in  the  ability  of  Governor  Pen- 
nington that  he  was  requested  by  the  Legisla- 
ture to  visit  the  seacoast  and  shores  of  Delaware 
Bay,  which  he  did,  placing  at  the  disposal  of  the 
local  militia  such  field  artillery  and  small  arms  as 
the  resources  in  his  control  justified.  Such 
remained  the  political  condition  of  New  Jersey 
until  the  termination  of  the  war  and  the  return 
of  peace. 


•  .■ . 


THE  "  CONSTITUTION. 


OHAPTEK     V 
New  Jersey  Troops  in  the  War  of  1812 


THE  storm  cloud  which  had  long  been 
gathering  at  last  broke  in  fury. 
Congress,  as  early  as  April  10, 1812, 
nearly  two  months  before  a  formal 
declaration  of  war  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  had  been  made, 
under  an  act  "to  authorize  a  detachment  from 
the  militia  of  the  United  States"  empowered  the 
President  to  take  measures  for  the  purpose  of  or- 
ganizing, arming,  and  equipping  one  hundred 
thousand  militia  to  be  raised  among  the  States 
for  six  months'  service.  For  this  purpose  one 
million  dollars  was  appropriated.  To  the  call  of 
Congress  New  Jersey  made  quick  response,  for 
within  fifteen  days  Governor  Bloomfield  issued  an 
order  to  mobilize  five  thousand  State  militia,  the 
command  whereof  was  assigned  to  Major-General 
Benjamin  Ludlow. 

Two  problems  now  confronted  New  Jersey:  the 
defense  of  her  exposed  seacoast,  and  the  protec- 
tion of  the  neighboring  cities  of  New  York  and 
Philadelphia.  In  case  of  attack  her  sacrifices 
must  be  great — far  in  excess  of  her  abilities.  As 
was  shown  during  the  progress  of  the  war,  the 
energies  of  New  Jersey  were  directed  rather  to- 
ward the  protection  of  the  Hudson  and  the  Dela- 
ware Rivers  than  fortifying  her  beaches  and  tide- 
water streams  emptying  into  the  Atlantic.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  struggle  all  movements  of  a 


96  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

military  character  in  New  Jersey  centered  around 
New  York  Harbor,  over  which  Sandy  Hook  and 
the  Highlands  of  Monmouth  County  held  such  a 
commanding  position.  The  elevated  country  in 
New  Jersey  overlooking  Raritan  Bay  was  selected 
as  admirably  suited  for  defensive  operations, 
while  Sandy  Hook  and  its  shoals  as  natural  bar- 
riers were  considered  well  nigh  impregnable.  Of 
the  means  designed  for  the  protection  of  the  City 
of  New  York  the  most  conspicuous  was  the  series 
of  block-houses.  These  General  Joseph  G.  Swift, 
superintending  fortifications,  deemed  adequate  to 
prevent  the  enemy  landing  by  flotilla.  One  was 
constructed  near  Sandy  Hook  lighthouse  and  an- 
other at  the  Highlands  of  the  Navesink.  Late  in 
1812  and  early  in  1813,  a  fortification  was  erected 
at  Sandy  Hook  light,  and  cannon  were  stationed 
at  the  lighthouse  for  the  purpose  of  signaling  the 
approach  of  the  enemy.  In  the  summer  of  1813  a 
blockhouse  was  erected  at  Spermaceti  Cove,  on 
which  were  mounted  three  pieces  of  heavy  ord- 
nance, which  did  active  service  in  the  protection 
of  the  coasting  trade  of  the  Lower  Bay. 

A  conspicuous  object  on  the  Highlands  of  the 
Navesink  was  the  telegraph,  a  simple  device  of 
white  and  black  balls  or  kegs  and  tall  poles.  By 
hoisting  and  lowering  the  balls  or  kegs,  in  accord- 
ance with  a  code,  information  of  the  movements  of 
the  enemy  could  be  conveyed  to  Signal  Hill  on 


THE  BAINBRILKJB  MKDAlu 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  97 

Staten  Island  and  thence  to  Governor's  Island  or 
Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  in  fifteen  minutes.  On  Tele- 
graph Hill,  by  March,  1813,  the  fort  had  been  com- 
pleted. 

The  situation  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  was 
quite  as  exposed  as  that  of  New  York.  While 
inland,  her  location  made  an  attack  possible 
from  three  directions:  primarily  by  a  fleet  sailing 
up  the  Delaware,  secondarily  by  a  sudden  rush 
across  New  Jersey  from  the  seacoast,  or  by  a  water 
and  land  expedition  to  the  head  of  Elk  and  thence 
through  Maryland,  Delaware,  and  Pennsylvania, 
Although  the  spirit  that  led  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut  to  refuse  to  com- 
ply with  the  demands  for  militia  was  abroad  in 
Philadelphia,  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  was  hearty  in  its  support  of  the  ad- 
ministration. The  Federalists  had  power  in 
Philadelphia,  but  the  city  itself  declared  unmis- 
takably for  the  protection  of  its  commerce  and 
the  maintenance  of  national  honor.  Thus  at  the 
outset  Philadelphia,  "patriotic  to  the  core,"  pre- 
pared for  the  worst.  The  effective  uniformed 
militia  force  of  the  city,  augmented  by  the  volun- 
teer companies,  reported  for  duty,  and  on  occa- 
sions of  public  meetings,  led  by  the  Tammany  So- 
ciety, such  toasts  as  "May  the  Tories  in  New  Eng- 
land repent  or  be  damned,"  "May  the  hides  of  the 
British  garrison  at  Quebec  be  speedily  tanned  in 


93  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

their  own  vats,"  were  offered  amid  thunderous 
applause. 

Such  were  the  subsequent  operations  of  the 
war  that  no  engagement  during  the  struggle  with 
England  took  place  upon  the  soil  of  New  Jersey, 
although  within  the  waters  of  the  State  there  were 
several  naval  affairs  of  minor  importance.  Thus 
in  the  vicinity  of  New  York  City  one  incident  long 
remembered  in  story  and  tradition  was  the  cap- 
ture of  the  sloop  "Eagle,"  tender  to  the  British 
cruiser  "Poictiers,"  which  occurred  upon  the  4th 
of  July  13,  1813.  Under  the  directions  of  Commo- 
dore Lewis  the  fishing  smack  "Yankee"  was 
equipped  as  if  for  an  expedition  to  the  fishing 
banks  off  the  Monmouth  County  shore.  Upon  her 
decks  were  placed  some  live  stock  and  three  men, 
while  in  her  cabin  and  forepeak  were  thirty  thor- 
oughly armed  militia.  Overtaken  at  once  by  the 
"Eagle,"  the  "Yankee"  was  directed  to  proceed 
to  the  "Poictiers,"  which  lay  about  five  miles  dis- 
tant. Suddenly  the  "Yrankee"  was  brought 
alongside  the  British  tender,  and  in  obedience 
to  the  watchword  "Lawrence"  the  armed  Ameri- 
cans rushed  upon  the  decks  of  the  "Eagle,"  and 
with  a  volley  of  musketry  made  an  effectual  cap- 
ture. In  the  me\6e  the  captain  of  the  "Eagle" 
and  a  marine  were  killed,  while  two  others  of  the 
crew  were  wounded.  During  the  afternoon  of  In- 
dependence Day  the  captive  "Eagle"  was  brought 


VEngravud  by  <i.  Parker  from  a  painting  by  J.  W.  Jarvis. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


99 


to  the  Battery,  New  York,  where  amid  the 
"shouts  and  plaudits  of  thousands  of  spectators" 
the  prisoners  were  landed. 

In  Delaware  Bay  the  situation  was  far  more 
critical.  To  enforce  a  paper  blockade,  declared  by 
the  British  government,  upon  the  2Gth  of  Decem- 
ber, 1S12,  there  appeared  in  the  middle  of  March, 
1813,  a  formidable  British  fleet  occupying  the  wide 
waters  between  Capes  Flenlopen  and  May.  Here 
came  Commander  Beresford  with  the  "Poictiers," 
Captain  Richard  Byron  with  the  "Belvidera,"  and 
an  auxiliary  force  demanding  provisions  and  wa- 
ter from  the  inhabitants  of  the  pilot-town  of 
Lewes,  Delaware.  With  cries  of  "Do  Your 
Worst!"  the  Delawareans  refused  to  comply,  suf- 
fering a  severe  but  ineffectual  bombardment.  In- 
stantly the  militia  of  the  State  of  Delaware  and 
West  Jersey  were  in  arms  and  the  bay  was  in  a 
turmoil,  so  much  resistance  being  offered  that  the 
British  fleet  sailed  away  for  the  Bermudas  and 
the  blockade  was  temporarily  raised. 

In  the  early  summer  of  1813  Philadelphia  put 
herself  upon  the  aggressive.  Under  skillful  com- 
mand a  gunboat  squadron  left  the  city  for  service 
in  the  Delaware  River,  and  soon  proved  its  effi- 
ciency by  its  attack  upon  the  British  sloop-of-war 
"Martin,"  which  had  gone  ashore  at  Crow's 
Shoals.  In  a  brilliant  charge  gunboat  "121"  was 
captured  by  the  British,  towed  outside  the  Capes, 


100 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


and  was  there  abandoned.  The  gunboat  drifted 
ashore  at  Absecom  and  was  finally  cut  up  by  the 
natives  for  her  iron  and  brass. 

In  the  meantime  the  British  blockading  squad- 
ron had  returned  to  its  post.  Led  by  that  doughty 
old  Frenchman,  Stephen  Girard,  who  had  be- 
come the  leading  merchant  in  Philadelphia,  there 
had  earlier  been  blockade  running  out  of  the  Dela- 
ware. But  Girard  had  lost  his  "Montesquieu" 
while  entering  the  bay,  and  the  kingly  ransom  ex- 
acted for  her  discharge  deterred  others  from  tak- 
ing part  in  adventures  to  the  West  Indies.  The 
blockade  was  complete.  British  ships-of-war 
cruised  between  Capes  Charles  and  Sandy  Hook, 
and  except  for  trifling  blockade  running  by  the 
captains  of  sloops,  shallops,  and  schooners  owned 
in  West  Jersey  few  if  any  cargoes  arrived  in  Phila- 
delphia by  sea  or  river. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Cape  May  there  was  privateer- 
ing and  blockade  running,  and  in  consequence 
frequent  captures.  As  an  instance,  in  the  latter 
part  of  1813,  an  armed  British  schooner  lying  off 
Cape  May  gave  chase  to  a  number  of  small  coast- 
ers bound  from  Delaware  Bay  to  Egg  Harbor, 
overhauling  the  "New  Jersey,"  a  schooner  of 
May's  Landing.  Placing  his  crew  in  confinement 
upon  their  own  vessel,  the  captain  of  the  British 
schooner  left  the  navigation  of  the  craft  to  an  in- 
experienced   midshipman,    who    was   later   eom- 


Stepnen  Girard,  b.  Bordeaux,  Kraace,  May  24,  175W ; 
merchant  In  Philadelphia  1769 ;  became  a  noted 
financier;  lost  an  eye  in  childhood  aad  Mind  l&M; 
founder  of  Girard  College;  d.  Philadelphia,  Dec.  26, 
1831. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  101 

pelled  to  relinquish  the  wheel  to  the  captain  of 
the  "New  Jersey."  By  a  ruse  the  Americans  suc- 
ceeded in  confining  their  captors  below  decks  and 
in  steering  the  "New  Jersey"  to  Somers  Point, 
where  the  prize  crew,  except  the  midshipman, 
found  new  occupations. 

Along  Delaware  Bay  much  of  the  minor  naval 
activities  centered  in  the  village  of  Port  Eliza- 
beth, where  a  trade  with  the  West  Indies,  the 
manufacture  of  glass,  development  of  the  wood- 
land in  charcoal  and  tar  making,  and  the  prom- 
inence of  nearby  iron  forges  gave  the  town  an 
importance  throughout  the  State.  Here  were 
stored  military  supplies  in  a  large  store  owned  by 
Joshua  Brick  and  Thomas  Lee.  Upon  one  event- 
ful night  during  the  war  the  cry  was  raised  that 
a  marauding  party  of  British  were  cattle  hunting 
upon  the  marshes  of  the  Maurice  River.  The  lo- 
cal militia,  hastily  assembling  to  repulse  an  at- 
tack, and  failing  to  gain  an  entrance  to  the  build- 
ing, so  wrenched  the  key  to  the  front  door  as  to 
bend  the  key-post  out  of  shape.  The  key  is  still 
in  use.  Thus  without  doing  great  damage,  or  se- 
curing an  entrance  upon  any  highway  or  minor 
waterway  leading  to  Philadelphia,  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  coast  of  New  Jersey  were  kept  in  a 
constant  state  of  alarm. 

The  organization  and  disposal  of  the  militia  of 
New  Jersey  during  the  War  of  1812  to  1815  is  of 


102 


NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 


interest  in  showing  the  ready  response  made  by 
the  State  in  aiding  the  defense  of  Philadelphia 
and  New  York,  as  well  as  giving  in  detail  the 
names  of  those  who  rendered  conspicuous  service. 

By  virtue  of  his  office  as  governor  Joseph 
Bloomfield  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  mili- 
tary forces  of  the  State  from  his  accession  to  office 
October  2G,  1811.  Upon  the  27th  of  March  of  the 
year  1812  Governor  Bloomfield  was  appointed 
brigadier-general  in  the  United  States  army,  hold- 
ing that  position  until  his  discharge  June  15, 1815. 
Detailed  upon  the  8th  of  June,  1812,  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  third  military  district  with  head- 
quarters in  New  York  City,  he  subsequently,  with 
eight  thousand  men,  marched  forward  to  Platts- 
burg,  New  York,  on  a  Canadian  expedition,  the 
acting  governor  of  New  Jersey  being  Charles 
Clark,  vice-president  of  Council.  As  commander 
of  the  third  military  district,  which  embraced  a 
large  portion  of  New  Jersey,  Governor  Bloomfield 
upon  the  8th  of  August,  1812,  was  relieved  by 
Brigadier-General  Armstrong,  of  the  United 
States  army. 

From  October  29,  1812,  to  October  28,  1813, 
Aaron  Ogden  was  governor  and  commander-in- 
chief,  being  succeeded  by  William  S.  Pennington, 
who  remained  governor  until  after  the  close  of  the 
war.  During  the  war  James  J.  Wilson,  John 
Beatty,  and  Charles  Gordon  served  as  adjutant- 


GHNKRAL  ARMSTRONG. 


OXY  AND  AS  A  STATE  103 

generals,  Jonathan  Rhea  as  quartermaster-gen- 
eral, while  Thomas  T.  Kinney,  Robert  W.  Ruther- 
ford, and  George  Holcomb,  M.D.,  were  lieutenant- 
colonels  and  aides-de-camp  upon  the  staff  of  Gov- 
ernor Pennington. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war  Paulus  Hook  was 
established  as  a  camp  of  instruction  and  disci- 
pline, while  from  August  IT  until  September  25, 
1812,  a  detachment  of  infantry,  New  Jersey  de- 
tailed militia,  was  stationed  at  Fort  Richmond, 
Staten  Island.  Of  this  detachment  Isaac  Andruss 
was  major.  The  detachment  contained  companies 
of  infantry  from  Hunterdon  County,  from  Middle- 
sex County,  from  Sussex  County,  from  Monmouth 
County,  and  from  Essex  County. 

The  ninety  days'  men  detailed  for  duty  at 
Paulus  Hook,  serving  from  September  17  to  No- 
vember 29,  1812,  were  commanded  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Joseph  Jackson.  There  were  companies 
from  Morris,  Sussex,  Bergen,  and  Essex  Counties. 
So  serious  did  the  situation  later  become  that 
upon  November  16,  1812,  Governor  Aaron  Ogden 
"issued  orders  for  the  entire  militia  of  the  State 
to  hold  itself  in  readiness  for  service  at  only  twen- 
ty-four hours'  notice."  In  response  to  this  call 
there  was  general  readiness  and  zeal  to  obey,  but 
arms  and  munitions  were  sadly  deficient. 

Stationed  at  Navesink  Highlands  in  1813  was  a 
regiment     commanded      by     Lientenant-Colonel 


104 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


James  Abraham.  Ordered  out  for  six  months' 
service,  the  companies  performed  two  tours  of 
duty,  from  April  28th  to  June  30th  and  from  July 
1st  to  Sepember  18th  of  that  year,  when  the  regi- 
ment was  discharged.  Of  the  companies  in  the 
regiment  that  from  Middletown  Point,  Monmouth 
County,  performed  both  tours.  Monmouth  County 
companies  also  performed  both  tours,  as  did  a 
company  from  Somerset  County.  A  company  of 
artillery  recruited  in  Middlesex,  Monmouth,  and 
Somerset  Counties  also  performed  these  tours,  as 
did  a  company  of  riflemen  from  Middlesex,  Mon- 
mouth, and  Somerset  Counties. 

Upon  the  equipment  of  the  militia  an  interest- 
ing light  is  thrown  by  the  orders  issued  by  the 
governor  from  headquarters  at  Elizabeth,  under 
date  of  the  24th  of  March,  1813: 

Every  enrolled  militiaman  is  to  provide  himself  with  a  good  mu*- 
ket  or  fire  lock,  a  sufficient  bayonet  and  belt,  two  spare  flints,  and 
a  knapsack,  a  pouch  to  contain  not  less  than  twenty-four  cartridgps 
suited  to  the  bore  of  the  musket,  each  cartridge  to  contain  sufficient 
powder  and  ball;  if  a  rifleman,  with  a  good  rifle,  knapsack,  shot 
pouch  and  powder  horn,  twenty  balls  suited  to  bore  of  rifle  and  ona- 
quarter  of  a  pound  of  powder;  or  if  a  dragoon,  with  a  serviceable 
horse,  at  least  fourteen  hands  and  a  half  high,  a  good  saddle, 
mall  pillion,  and  valise,  holsters,  a  breastplate  and  crupper,  a  pair 
of  boots  and  spurs,  a  pair  of  pistols,  a  saber,  and  a  cartouch  box 
to  contain  cartridges  for  pistols. 

Nor  was  the  protection  of  the  southern  coast 
neglected.  At  Cape  May  from  May  24  to  October 
30,  1813,  Major  William  Potter  commanded  a  de- 


FORT  PISH  AND  CLINTON  IN  1813 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  105 

tachment  of  militia  with  companies  from  Cumber- 
land County,  Salem  County,  and  Burlington  Coun- 
ty, and  a  company  composed  of  Burlington  and 
Gloucester  men. 

The  fourteenth  of  July,  1814,  brought  a  call 
from  the  governor  of  New  Jersey  for  five  hundred 
artillery  and  forty-five  hundred  infantry.  The 
regimental  organization  was  effected  upon  Au- 
gust 12,  1814,  by  detailing  a  regiment  from  Ber- 
gen and  Essex  Counties,  a  regiment  from  Morris 
and  Sussex  Counties  and  a  regiment  from  Somer- 
set, Middlesex,  and  Monmouth  Counties,  these 
three  regiments  composing  a  brigade  commanded 
by  Brigadier-General  Colfax.  The  second  brigade 
was  composed  of  a  regiment  from  Hunterdon  and 
Burlington  Counties  and  a  regiment  from  Glouces- 
ter, Salem,  Cumberland,  and  Cape  May,  com- 
manded by  Brigadier-General  Elmer,  both  bri- 
gades being  under  the  general  command  of  Major- 
General  Shinn. 

The  brigade  of  General  William  Colfax  was  as- 
signed to  duty  at  Paulus  Hook  and  the  Monmouth 
County  Highlands.  Two  companies,  one  of 
light  infantry,  the  other  of  artillery,  both  recruited 
in  New  Brunswick,  performed  duty,  principally 
at  Paulus  Hook,  from  September  5  to  December 
2.  Major  Isaac  Andruss  commanded  the  detach- 
ment of  infantry  under  General  Colfax.  Major 
Andruss's  men  were  stationed  at  Navesink,  con- 


106  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

eisting  of  companies  from  Newark,  Bloomfield, 
Orange,  Trenton  (known  as  the  "Jersey  Blues"), 
and  Hunterdon  County,  this  latter  company  being 
quartered  at  Sandy  Hook.     There  was  also  sta- 
tioned at  the  Highlands,  as  a  part  of  General  Col- 
fax's brigade,  Colonel  John  Dodd's  regiment  of 
infantry,    embracing    companies     from     Bergen 
County,      Essex     County,      Freehold,      Trenton, 
and     Middletown     Point.      The     Second     regi- 
ment    of     infantry     of     General     Colfax's     bri- 
gade was  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  John 
Steward,  and  was  stationed  at  Paulus  Hook.    In 
this  second  regiment  were  Sussex  County  com- 
panies, a  Morris  County  company,  an  Orange  com- 
pany, Middlesex  County  companies,  and  a  Piscata- 
way  company.    The  Third  regiment  of  the  brigade 
was  also  stationed  at  Paulus  Hook,  the  colonel 
being  John  W.  Frelinghuysen.    From  New  Bruns- 
wick in  the  Third  regiment  was  a  company  of 
horse  artillery  doing  duty  as  cavalry.    From  Mid- 
dlesex and  Hunterdon  Counties  was  a  company  of 
light    dragoons,    a    company    of    fusileers    from 
Chatham,  a  light  infantry  company  from  Bloom- 
field,   a   company  of  riflemen   from   Bottle   Hill 
(Madison),  a  company  of  riflemen  from  Caldwell, 
an  infantry  company  from  Monmouth  County,  a 
company  of  volunteer  riflemen   from  Belvidere, 
volunteer  light  infantry  from  Hackensack,  light 
infantry  from  New  Hampton,  Hunterdon  County, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


107 


rangers  from  Morristown,  riflemen  from  Orange, 
a  company  of  riflemen  from  Monmouth  County, 
a  company  of  volunteer  riflemen  from  Essex 
County,  a  company  of  volunteer  riflemen  from 
Somerset  County,  a  company  of  rangers  from  Pat- 
erson  Landing,  a  company  of  riflemen  from  New 
Brunswick,  companies  of  infantry  from  Mon- 
mouth County,  and  a  company  of  infantry  from 
Bergen  County. 

As  a  defense  for  Philadelphia  a  camp  was  es- 
tablished at  Billingsport,  easy  of  access  to  the 
city,  and  sufficiently  near  Cape  May  to  offer  pro- 
tection to  the  Delaware  Bay  plantations  and 
towns.  Here  was  stationed  the  brigade  under  the 
command  of  General  Ebenezer  Elmer,  detailed 
from  September  22  to  Decembr  22,  1814. 

General  and  ex-Governor  Bloomfield,  having  re- 
turned in  the  summer  of  1814  from  Sackett's  Har- 
bor, New  York,  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
fourth  military  district  with  headquarters  at 
Philadelphia,  and  for  the  defense  of  that  city  it 
was  asked  that  the  two  thousand  men  of  General 
Elmer's  brigade  be  sent  to  a  point  near  the  city.  In|| 
the  meantime  a  dispute  arose  between  the  govern-*!! 
or  of  New  Jersey  and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  govern- 
or of  New  York,  commandant  of  the  third  mili- 
tary district,  embracing  a  large  part  of  New  Jer- 
sey. Under  Colonel  John  Frelinghuysen  the  Third 
Regiment  of  twelve  hundred  men  was  stationed  ai 


Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  6.  Westchester  County,  N.  Y.. 
June  21.  1774 ;  grad.  Columbia  College  17% ;  admitted 
to  the  bar  1797 ;  member  of  Congress  1804 ;  chief  J  i«- 
tlce  New  York  Supreme  Court;  governor  of  Now 
York  1807-17;  Vice-President  of  the  United  Stafcwj; 
d.  an  Staten  Island.  June  11.  182C. 


^^/U4^S^yi^^ 


108 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


f 


Paulus  Hook,  under  orders  of  August  31,  1814. 
The  people  of  New  Jersey  objected  to  having  the 
governor  of  New  York  command  their  militia,  but 
the  federal  war  department  held  that  by  virtue  of 
his    office    Governor    Tompkins    commanded    all 
militia  raised  in  the  district,  called  into  the  serv- 
ice of  the  United  States,  irrespective  of  any  State 
authority.    With  General  Elmer's  brigade,  at  Bil- 
lingsport,  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  Joshua  L.  How- 
ell, the  companies  of  whose  command  did  duty 
along  the  Delaware  River  and  Bay.    Of  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Howell's  staff  MajorSaniuel  Seagrave, 
Adjutant  Constantine  Wilkins,  Surgeon  Jeremiah 
J.    Foster,    Surgeon's    Mate    Edmon    Shepperd, 
Quartermaster-Sergeant   Benjamin   Nichols,   and 
Drum  Major  Joseph  Pursil,  Jr.,  were  assigned  to 
duty  at  Cape  May  and  Port  Elizabeth,  Major  Sea- 
grave  commanding  the  detachment.     There  were 
companies  from  Cumberland  County,  Gloucester 
County,  and  Salem  County.    Two  other  Glouces- 
ter companies  were  organized,  reported  for  duty, 
and  discharged  because  of  the  completion  of  the 
detail.    A  local  company  did  duty  at  Cape  May. 
Of  General  Elmer's  brigade  a  battalion  of  in- 
fantry was  commanded  by  Major  Samuel  J.  Reed. 
This  battalion  included  companies  from  Burling- 
ton County.    At  Billingsport,  in  the  month  of  De- 
cember, was  First  Lieutenant  Peter  Bilderback 
with  a  detachment  from  the  First  Troop  of  Horse. 


TOMB  OP  CAPTAIN    JAMB8  LAWRENCE. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  109 


As  early  as  February  12,  1809,  Captain  Robert 
Smith's  company  of  artillery  was  organized  and 
was  attached  to  the  Gloucester  brigade.  Having 
volunteered  for  the  "protection  of  the  maritime 
frontier,"  the  company  was  exempt  from  detail 
under  the  governor's  call  of  August  12,  1814.  It 
was  enrolled  at  Smithville,  then  old  Gloucester 
(now  Atlantic)  County, and  was  stationed  at  Leeds 
and  Somers  Point  and  other  places  between 
Little  and  Great  Egg  Harbor  Rivers.  Called  out 
upon  several  alarms,  the  company  did  a  tour  of 
duty  in  the  early  summer  of  1814,  and  was  always 
"prepared  for  actual  service  on  any  sudden  emer- 
gency." The  company  was  mustered  out  at  Smith- 
ville, February  19,  1815.  Another  Gloucester 
County  company  of  infantry  for  similar  service 
was  organized  April  14, 1814,  and  was  enrolled  at 
Somers  Point.  It  performed  a  tour  of  duty  in  the 
summer  of  1814,  serving  in  Gloucester  and  Cape 
May  Counties,  and  was  discharged  at  Somers 
Point,  February  12,  1815.  On  the  2d  of  April, 
1814,  a  maritime  frontier  defense  company  was 
organized  at  Butcher's  Works  (Burrsville),  Mon- 
mouth (now  Ocean)  County.  The  company  was 
composed  largely  of  iron  forge  and  furnace  men, 
employees  of  Benajah  Butcher  and  Barzillai  Burr. 
With  a  six-pound  fieldpiece  and  about  one  hun- 
dred stand  of  arms  the  Burrville  volunteers  did 
duty  between  Long  Branch  and  Barnegat,  engag- 


110  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

ing  in  an  affair  known  as  the  battle  of  Brant  Hill, 
where  a  British  man-of-war  attempted  to  destroy 
and  plunder  shipping  in  Shark  River.  Although 
a  rain  of  shell  poured  upon  the  company  the  at- 
tacking crew  of  the  warship  wrere  "obliged  to 
withdraw  wholly  defeated  in  their  designs."  The 
company  was  discharged  at  Burrsville,  February 
1,  1815. 

A  company  of  the  Cape  May  independent  mi- 
litia was  called  out  in  May,  1814,  for  the  defense 
of  the  seacoast  of  the  county,  performing  several 
tours  of  duty  and  frequently  under  arms,  and  re- 
mained in  the  service  until  February  17,  when  it 
was  discharged. 

Taking  the  year  1814,  the  most  important  pe- 
riod of  the  war  respecting  New  Jersey,  of  the 
State's  militia,  numbering  about  thirty-six  thou- 
sand, there  were  on  duty  from  August  13  to  De- 
cember 10  the  following  officers  and  men,  ar- 
ranged by  classes: 


Infantry 

Rifleman 

Artillery 

Cavalry 

Totals 304  630  3,529 

The  longest  period  of  service  during  that  time 
was  three  months  and  twenty-six  days,  the  short- 


OFFICERS. 

NON-COMMISSIONED 
OFFICERS. 

MEN. 

250 

520 

3,027 

32 

64 

300 

15 

34 

141 

7 

12 

61 

ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  111 

est  one  month  and  four  days.  From  the  State  was 
recruited  a  large  number  of  men,  in  1812,  who 
joined  the  Fifteenth  Regiment  U.  S.  A.,  but  the 
total  number  is  unknown.  During  the  war  many 
other  Jerseymen  joined  the  federal  army  and 
navy,  but  their  number  is  also  not  a  matter  of 
record.  From  1812  to  1815  there  were  in  the  serv- 
ice of  the  United  States  from  New  Jersey  three 
hundred  and  ninety-five  officers,  eight  hundred 
and  eight  non-commissioned  officers,  and  four 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight  privates. 

Of  all  the  Jerseymen  who  took  part  in  the 
struggle  one  figure  looms  large.  It  is  that  of 
James  Lawrence,  of  the  City  of  Burlington.  Born 
of  distinguished  parentage  upon  the  1st  of  Octo- 
ber, 1781,  Lawrence,  like  that  other  intrepid  New 
Jersey  officer,  Richard  Somers,  of  old  Gloucester 
County,  early  showed  a  marked  predilection  for 
a  seafaring  career.  Securing,  before  he  was  sev- 
enteen, a  midshipman's  warrant,  James  Lawrence 
obtained  a  lieutenancy  during  the  war  with  Tripo- 
li, commanding  the  schooner  "Enterprise."  With- 
in a  few  brief  years  he  plunged  with  all  the  ardor 
of  exalted  patriotism  into  the  defense  of  seamen's 
rights.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  struggle  he  com- 
manded the  "Hornet,"  and  in  the  early  months 
of  1813,  off  Demarara,  met  and  sunk  the  British 
brig  "Peacock."  His  commodore  was  Bain- 
bridge,  himself  a  member  of  a  family  whose  name 


JAMBS  LAWRHNCK 


112  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

is  associated  with  the  beginnings  of  Burlington 
County. 

The  drama  of  James  Lawrence's  life  now  draws 
rapidly  to  a  close.  Appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  frigate  "Chesapeake,"  Captain  Lawrence  lay 
in  Boston  Harbor  upon  the  night  of  the  30th  of 
May,  1813.  Unprepared  as  he  was,  but  in  response 
to  an  unmistakable  challenge  on  the  part  of  the 
British  frigate  "Shannon,"  Lawrence  went  to 
his  doom.  For  a  little  time  in  the  broad  waters 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  the  two  vessels  manceuvered 
in  a  silence  as  awful  as  it  was  oppressive.  Cir- 
cling ever  nearer  and  nearer,  both  ships  suddenly 
gave  broadside  for  broadside,  bringing  disaster 
and  death.  Decks  were  red  with  blood,  smoke  ob- 
scured the  sky,  the  air  reverberated  with  the 
crash  of  timber  and  the  cries  of  the  dying. 
Amid  a  scene  of  the  wildest  confusion  the  "Chesa- 
peake" and  "Shannon"  fouled,  rendering  the 
"Chesapeake"  helpless  and  hopeless.  Then  it  was 
that  Lawrence,  mortally  wounded,  was  tenderly 
carried  below.  Valiant,  brave,  he  cried  to  his 
men  the  immortal  words  that  have  rung  down  the 
years:  "Don't  give  up  the  ship!" 

Taken  by  his  captors  to  Halifax,  James  Law- 
rence survived  but  a  few  days  and  was  buried 
with  the  honors  of  war.  In  later  years  his  body 
was  removed  to  Boston  and  thence  to  New  York. 

No  more  fitting  tribute  can  be  paid  to  this  man 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


113 


of  Burlington  than  that  inscribed  upon  his  tomb 
in  Trinity  Churchyard,  New  York  City: 

His  bravery  in  action  was  only  equalled  by  his  modesty  in  tri- 
umph and  his  magnanimity  to  the  vanquished.  In  private  life  he 
was  a  gentleman  of  the  most  generous  and  endearing  qualities  and 
to  acknowledged  was  his  public  worth  that  the  whole  "nation 
mourned  his  loss,  and  the  enemy  contended  with  his  conntrymen 
who  most  should  honor  his  remains.  The  Hero  whose  remains  arc; 
here  deposited,  with  his  expiring  breath  expressed  his  devotion  to 
his  Country.    Neither  the  fury  of  battle,  the  anguish  of  a  mortal 


wound,  nor  the  horrors  of  approaching 
gallant  spirit. 


ith 


subdue  his 


^* 


,<c^*t- 


0 


<&>?^ 


<?>*?^r 


JcTnsn  Zoeunew  J$do./fti,s 


vefl&rdip 


i  v 


\i\h 


cS/VL 


^f 


^y#>&. 


&Xi*x*S 


I  3  AND  SIGNATURES  TO  THE  TRSATTf  OF  GHENT, 
DEC.   24,    1S14. 


CHAPTER    V  I 

New  Jersey's  First  Railroad  Charter 


The  account  of  this  first  railroad  charter  wu>  fuily  firoaeuted  in  the  tUtit-fCWj  Worid, 
of  Philadelphia,  under  date  of  February  18,  I8S». 


OT  by  reason  of  any  brilliant  military 
achievement  within  the  limits  of 
the  State,  but  rather  by  reason  of 
the  material  furtherance  of  ideas 
concerning  transportation,  did  the 
War  of  1812  make  a  permanent  impress  upon  New 
Jersey.  The  narrow  strip  of  land  separating  the 
head  of  tidewater  in  the  Delaware  from  the  prac- 
tical head  of  tide  in  the  Raritan  had  long  been  a 
hindrance  to  travel  across  the  State.  Until  the 
second  war  with  England  the  colonial  routes  be- 
tween Philadelphia  and  New  York  City  were  still 
used,  being  by  boat  to  Burlington  or  Bordentown, 
or  by  stage  to  New  Brunswick  or  Amboy,  and 
thence  by  water  or  stage,  via  Paulus  Hook,  to  New 
York  City,  using  the  road  across  Hackensack 
Meadows  as  early  as  1765  and  the  turnpike  and 
bridges  about  1795.  It  was  not  until  1804  that 
the  Trenton-Morrisville  bridge  was  constructed 
across  the  Delaware,  so  insignificant  had  been  the 
volume  of  travel  by  the  land  route  on  the  Penn- 
sylvania side  of  the  Delaware  River. 

The  movement  of  Jersey  troops  to  the  defense 
of  the  harbors  of  New  York  City  and  Philadelphia, 
the  more  or  less  effectual  blockading  of  the  sea- 
coast  by  the  enemy's  ships  of  war,  the  needs  of 
inland  communication  between  Washington  and 
New  England,  the  establishment  of  a  base  of  mili- 
tary supplies  at  Trenton  and  Newark,  all  necessi- 


118 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


tated  speedy  communication  across  the  State  of 
New  Jersey.  The  turnpike  between  Trenton  and 
New  Brunswick,  chartered  in  1804,  was  used  for 
this  purpose,  but  to  the  minds  of  men  who  saw  the 
possibilities  of  railroad  communication  there  was 
yet  a  new  and  untried  method  of  transporting 
freight  and  passengers.  This  end  would  be 
served  by  the  construction  of  a  railroad  over  the 
"waist"  of  New  Jersey. 

To  New  Jersey  the  treaty  of  peace  brought  re- 
lief. The  signatures  placed  upon  the  document 
at  Ghent  on  the  24th  of  December,  1814,  meant  a 
renewal  of  industrial  activity,  for  England  tacitly 
abandoned  forever  her  policy  of  impressment  and 
commercial  interference.  For  the  first  time  since 
the  Revolution  the  commercial  freedom  of  the 
United  States  had  been  secured.  It  was  indeed 
a  day  of  hope  for  a  State  whose  navigable  waters 
were  ever  whitened  with  the  sails  of  her  ships, 
and  whose  highways  were  crowded  with  travellers 
and  freight. 

Two  days  before  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
of  peace  by  a  federal  Senate,  voting  unanimously, 
the  Legislature  of  New  Jersey,  upon  the  6th  day 
of  February,  1815,  passed  an  act  creating  a  com- 
pany "to  erect  a  Rail-Road  from  the  river  Dela- 
ware, near  Trenton,  to  the  river  Raritan,  at  or 
near  New  Brunswick,"  and   gave  to  the  world 


MEDAL  COMMEMORATING  PEACE. 
(War  of  tffl*-16.> 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  119 

what  was  probably  the  first  railroad  charter  ever 
granted  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States. 

The  personal  influence  that  lay  behind  the  meas- 
ure was  that  of  John  Stevens,  whose  experiments 
with  steam  navigation  on  the  Hudson  gave  him 
not  only  technical  skill,  but  a  wide  and  compre- 
hensive grasp  of  the  possibilities  of  any  form  of 
rapid  transit. 

The  charter  itself,  as  the  basis  of  subsequent 
railroad  legislation  of  a  special  character,  pos- 
sesses a  permanent  interest.  In  form  the  charter 
is  evolutionary,  bearing  many  of  the  characteris- 
tics of  contemporaneous  acts,  similar  in  form,  and 
from  which  turnpike  companies  derived  their  pow- 
ers. Thus  at  the  very  outset  a  commission  was 
created  authorized  to  receive  subscriptions.  For 
the  construction  of  the  railroad,  "not  more  than 
four  rods  wide,"  the  three  commissioners,  James 
Ewing,  Pearson  Hunt,  and  Abner  Reeder,  were  re- 
quired to  give  security  to  the  governor  to  insure 
to  the  treasurer  of  the  company  the  payment  of  all 
subscriptions  received  by  them. 

The  subscriptions  were  limited  to  five  thousand 
shares  at  one  hundred  dollars  per  share,  five  dol- 
lars to  be  paid  in  at  time  of  subscribing.  As  soon 
as  two  thousand  shares  were  subscribed  the  com- 
missioners or  a  majority  of  them  were  directed  to 
call  a  meeting  of  the  subscribers  to  choose  a  presi- 
dent and  eight  directors,  "five  of  whom  shall  con- 


V20 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


%%% 


7 


THE  RVTHKRPORD  ARU& 


stitute  a  board  and  a  treasurer."  This  temporary 
organization  was  to  give  place  on  the  first 
Wednesday  in  November  then  next  ensuing  to  a 
stockholders'  election,  which  should  afterward  be 
held  each  and  every  year.  "The  said  president 
and  directors  so  to  be  chosen  shall  be  called  the 
New  Jersey  Railroad  Company,"  says  the  act,  with 
all  corporate  powers  to  be  in  full  force  and  effect 
for  fifty  years. 

In  case  the  corporation  did  not  carry  into  effect 
the  objects  of  its  charter  within  ten  years,  or  al- 
lowed its  works  to  go  to  decay  for  two  years,  then 
the  charter  became  null  and  void. 

All  elections  were  required  to  be  by  ballot,  in 
person  or  by  proxy,  at  the  rate  of  one  vote  for  every 
share  not  exceeding  twenty,  and  one  vote  for  every 
five  shares  between  twenty  and  fifty,  and  one  vote 
for  every  ten  shares  above  fifty.  Temporary  va- 
cancies in  the  board  of  directors  were  to  be  filled 
by  the  remainder  of  the  board.  The  president  and 
directors  were  empowered  to  fix  the  time  and 
place  of  meeting,  appoint  necessary  agents  and 
servants,  make  by-laws  and  ordinances  and  fill 
vacancies  of  an  official  nature. 

To  lay  out  the  road  the  Legislature  fell  back 
upon  the  expedient  of  a  further  commission  con- 
sisting of  John  Rutherfurd,  Mahlon  Dickerson, 
and  Richard  Allison,  who  in  the  discharge  of  their 
duty  were  to  have  "due  regard  to  the  situation 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  121 

and  nature  of  the  ground  and  the  buildings  there 
on,  the  public  convenience  and  the  interest  of  the 
stockholders  and  so  as  to  do  the  least  damage  to 
private  property."  The  road  could  not  be  laid  out 
through  any  burying  ground,  place  of  public  wor- 
ship, dwelling  house  nor  outbuilding  of  the  value 
of  three  hundred  dollars  without  the  owner's  con- 
sent. The  commissioners  were  required  to  file 
their  report,  survey  map  and  plot  in  the  office  of 
the  secretary  of  state  of  New  Jersey.  The  commis- 
sioners and  corporation  were  granted  the  right 
to  enter  upon  land  necessary  for  laying  out  the 
road  and  also  for  the  purpose  of  searching  for 
"stone,  sand,  or  gravel  for  the  use  of  the  said 
road,"  but  no  stone,  sand,  or  gravel  was  to  be 
taken  away  without  compensation  made  to  the 
owner. 

As  to  the  character  of  motive  power  to  be 
used  upon  the  railroad  the  statute  is  silent,  the 
only  allusion  being  collateral,  where  it  is  en- 
acted that  the  wagons  or  carriages  employed  on 
the  road  shall  be  constructed  and  run  thereon  in 
conformity  to  such  rules  as  the  company  shall 
make  from  time  to  time. 

That  animals,  either  horses  or  mules,  were  to  be 
employed  is  suggested  by  the  provision  of  the  act 
empowering  the  corporation  to  "make,  erect,  and 
establish  a  railroad,  passing  and  repassing,  and 
which  road  is  to  be  composed  of  either  iron  or 


122  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

wood  for  the  running  of  the  wheels,  and  which 
running  part  is  to  be  fixed  on  a  solid  foundation, 
impervious  to  frost,  not  liable  easily  to  be  re- 
moved." It  was  further  provided  that  the  middle 
path  of  said  road  was  to  be  composed  of  some 
hard  substance,  of  either  stone,  gravel  or  wood,  so 
as  to  be  good  at  all  seasons  of  the  year.  The  plan 
of  a  "middle  path,"  and  the  further  proviso  that 
in  no  part  of  its  progress  should  the  road  rise 
above  an  angle  of  two  degrees  above  the  plane  of 
the  horizon,  would  not  directly  indicate  the  em- 
ployment of  steam  as  an  agency  of  transporta- 
tion. 

Further  in  the  matter  of  construction  the  act 
provided  that  the  company  should  not  obstruct 
the  free  use  and  passage  of  any  public  road. 
Causeways  were  directed  to  be  constructed  by  the 
railroad  over  all  public  roads,  under  a  penalty  of 
ten  dollars  for  every  day  of  neglect.  The  company 
was  also  required  to  furnish  private  causeways  for 
the  use  of  owners  of  land.  Any  injury  to  company 
property  rendered  the  tortfeasor  liable  to  forfeit 
to  the  company  three  times  the  actual  damage  sus- 
tained. 

In  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  domain  the  com- 
pany was  authorized  to  "erect,  make,  and  estab- 
lish all  works,  edifices,  and  devices"  as  might  be 
necessary,  as  well  as  purchase  lands  and  tene- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  123 

ments.  In  case  of  non-agreement  between  the  cor- 
poration and  an  owner  as  to  the  valuation  of  pri- 
vate land  necessary  for  the  corporation's  purposes, 
the  statute  provided  that  each  should  choose  a 
disinterested  freeholder.  The  two  were  empow- 
ered to  determine  compensation,  but  in  case  they 
failed  they  should  choose  an  umpire.  In  case  this 
method  was  not  employed,  a  struck  jury,  after 
survey  and  estimation,  made  inquisition  and  re- 
turned the  same  to  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
In  the  statute  is  to  be  found  the  germ  of  the 
present  State  railroad  commissions.  It  was  en- 
acted that  whenever  the  railroad  company  com- 
pleted not  less  than  ten  miles  of  its  road  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  State  should  appoint  three  disinter- 
ested persons  who  "shall  have  power  to  fix,  ascer- 
tain and  determine  the  rates  and  charges  which 
the  said  company  may  demand  and  receive  for 
the  transportation  of  merchandise  and  for  every 
article  of  country  produce,  lumber,  and  fire  wood 
transported  on  the  said  railroad,  and  also  to  fix, 
ascertain  and  determine  on  such  tolls  and  rates  as 
the  said  company  shall  and  may  demand  and  re- 
ceive from  all  persons  using  or  traveling  said 
road."  The  rates  of  toll  were  directed  to  be  placed 
on  file  as  evidence  in  any  court.  If  within  ten 
years  after  the  completion  of  the  railroad  the  cor- 
poration should  consider  a  revision  necessary  the 


124  NEW  JFKSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

governor  was  directed  to  appoint  a  new  commis- 
sion for  that  purpose. 

Ten  years  after  the  completion  of  the  road,  and 
at  the  end  of  every  ten  years  thereafter,  the  com- 
pany was  directed  to  lay  before  the  Legislature  a 
statement  as  to  its  financial  condition.  At  such 
time  the  governor  was  to  appoint  a  new  commis- 
sion of  three  to  revise  the  freight  and  passenger 
rates,  but  it  was  provided  that  the  commissioners 
should  not  reduce  the  tolls  to  a  less  sum  than 
would  insure  to  the  company  twelve  per  cent,  per 
annum  on  its  capital  stock. 

This  first  effort  to  construct  a  railroad  across 
the  State  of  New  Jersey  reached  no  further  devel- 
opment than  the  passage  of  the  act.  The  time 
was  not  yet  ripe  for  so  chimerical  a  project;  more 
than  another  decade  must  elapse  ere  the  public 
mind  was  ready  to  fully  appreciate  the  benefits 
that  lay  within  so  great  a  plan  of  improvement 
But  the  charter  remains  as  the  crystallization  of 
the  best  thought  upon  the  subject  of  what  was 
proper  legislative  control  over  a  railroad,  what 
rights  the  corporation  should  have,  and,  in  brief, 
what  constituted  so  novel  a  scheme  for  Transport- 
ing men  and  their  goods  between  two  centers  of 
population. 


CHAPTER    VII 

The  Steamboat  Monopoly 


HE  closing  af  the  eighteenth  and  the 

opening  of  the  nineteenth  centuries 

marked    the    beginning    of    steam 

navigation    in    the    United    States, 

and  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  New 

Jersey  was  destined  to  play  a  conspicuous  part 

in  the  efforts  made  by  inventors  to  overcome  the 

difficulties  of  water  navigation. 

To  John  Fitch,  a  wandering  Connecticut  me- 
chanic, and  James  Kurnsey,  who  had  experi- 
mented at  Shepardstown,  a  hamlet  of  Virginia, 
may  be  given  equal  credit  for  their  efforts  to  in- 
troduce into  the  United  States  steam  as  a  method 
of  vessel  propulsion.  Both  were  inventors  of  note; 
both  had  instituted  their  experiments  at  practi- 
cally the  same  time,  1785-87;  both  had  been  called 
visionaries;  both  had  won  the  friendships  of  men 
of  influence. 

It  was  in  the  village  of  Neshaminy,  Pennsyl- 
vania, on  the  edge  of  Philadelphia,  where  but  a 
few  years  before  a  part  of  Washington's  army  had 
been  encamped,  that  John  Fitch  built  a  model  of 
his  paddle-wheel  boat,  which,  having  been  tried 
on  the  waters  of  an  inland  stream,  was  submitted 
to  the  inspection  of  President  Ewing,  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania.  Fitch,  upon  the  advice 
of  Ewing,  sought  the  aid  of  Congress  through  the 
agencies  of  William  Churchill  Ilouston,  and  Lam- 
bert Cadwalader,  both  Jerseymen  of  influence,  but 


128  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

to  no  avail.  Rejected  by  Congress  as  the  dream 
of  a  "hare-brained  mechanic"  Fitch  then  endeav- 
ored to  interest  Don  Diego  Gardoqui,  the  Spanish 
minister,  who  declined  to  bestir  himself  in  the 
project  "unless  all  the  profits  and  a  monopoly  of 
the  invention  went  to  his  master,  the  King  of 
Spain."  To  this  proposition,  upon  patriotic 
grounds,  Fitch,  poor  and  disgusted,  refused  his 
consent. 

In  1786  John  Fitch  turned  for  aid  to  the  State 
of  New  Jersey,  where  the  utilization  of  natural 
waterways  and  the  possibilities  of  canals  had  al- 
ready attracted  attention.  Securing  from  the 
State  on  March  18,  1786,  a  right  to  navi- 
gate the  streams  of  New  Jersey  during  a 
period  of  fourteen  years,  Fitch  and  his 
associate,  Voight,  placed  upon  the  waters  of 
the  Delaware  an  imperfect  but  generally  satisfac- 
tory steamboat  that  moved  at  the  rate  of  seven 
miles  per  hour.  This  boat  had  been  completed 
during  the  summer  of  1786,  while  funds,  partially 
sufficient  to  carry  out  the  project,  had  been  con- 
tributed by  citizens  of  Philadelphia. 

During  the  winter  of  1786-87  Fitch  and  Voight 
rearranged  the  details  of  the  machinery,  which 
was  installed  in  a  boat  forty-five  feet  long,  and 
upon  the  22d  of  August,  1787,  occurred  the  first 
successful  trial  of  a  steamboat  in  the  waters  of 
the  Delaware  River.    Upon  the  Pennsylvania  and 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  129 

New  Jersey  shores  enthusiastic,  cheering  multi- 
tudes greeted  the  craft.  There  were  present 
members  of  the  federal  convention,  who  cheerful- 
ly gave  Fitch  certificates  "setting  forth  the  merits 
of  the  strange  experiment  they  had  seen,"  and  to 
these  certificates  were  attached  the  names  of  such 
men  as  Governor  Randolph,  of  Virginia;  Dr.  John- 
son, of  Connecticut;  and  David  Rittenhouse,  the 
astronomer.  The  fame  of  Fitch  and  of  his  inven- 
tion spread  throughout  America. 

Scarce  a  year  had  passed  before  a  new  steam- 
boat appeared  upon  the  Delaware  River.  The 
12th  of  July,  1788,  marked  the  trip  of  this  "won- 
der-worker," with  its  tubular  boiler  and  its  three 
paddles  on  the  stern.  Welcomed  by  admiring 
throngs,  the  steamboat  churned  its  way  between 
Burlington  and  Philadelphia,  saluted  by  a  dis- 
charge of  cannon  at  Durk's  Ferry  and  shouts  from 
the  crowd  gathered  along  Green  Bank  and  the 
wharves  of  Burlington  City.  But  as  the  steam- 
boat was  about  thirty  perches  from  the  point  of 
landing  at  Burlington  a  boiler  pipe  burst,  and  the 
boat,  abandoned  by  those  who  had  promoted  the 
project,  drifted  toward  Philadelphia.  Some  after 
this  accident  withdrew,  terrified,  from  the  com- 
pany, while  others,  having  supplied  funds  for  re- 
pairs, sustained  the  boat  in  her  trips  between 
the  old  capital, of  West  Jersey  and  Philadelphia. 
Stock  was  issued  to  the  amount  of  four  hundred 


MOMJTATE  VI GET. 


T.  I  Mf.  ifawmlW  93  Gold  St . 


130 


NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 


pounds,  and  with  improved  machinery  a  trial  trip 
was  projected.  Owing  to  a  severe  storm  the  ex- 
periment was  delayed,  in  the  meantime  the  boat 
taking  tire  and  sinking.  Repairs  being  made,  a 
test  in  December,  1789,  showed  the  boat  capable 
of  running  a  mile  in  seven  and  a  half  minutes. 

From  June  to  September,  1790,  the  steamboat 
ran  as  a  packet  from  Philadelphia,  making  the 
trip  to  Trenton  upon  one  day  and  returning  the 
next,  with  Sunday  trips  to  Chester.  During  the 
autumn  a  second  steamboat  was  partially  com- 
pleted by  the  Philadelphia  promoters,  when  a 
storm  tore  the  vessel  from  its  moorings,  and,  cast 
ashore  upon  Petty's  Island,  she  lay  bleaching,  a 
fitting  companion  to  the  wreck  of  the  Revolution- 
ary frigate  "Alliance."  In  1795  the  machinery  of 
the  steamboat  was  sold  at  auction,  and  Fitch,  hav- 
ing transferred  his  plan  of  operations,  in  1796, 
"exhibited  a  small  steamboat  on  the  waters  of 
the  Collect  Pond,"  on  the  site  of  the  present  City 
Hall  Park  of  New  York.  Except  for  the  attempts 
of  Oliver  Evans  to  drive  his  "Oruktor  Amphibo- 
los"  in  and  around  Philadelphia,  the  part  New 
Jersey  played  in  the  development  of  the  steam- 
boat is  shifted  from  the  waters  of  the  Delaware 
to  those  of  the  Hudson. 

Stimulated  by  the  progress  of  the  pioneers,  Rob- 
ert Fulton,  of  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  miniature- 
painter,  mechanic,  and  machinist,  had  been  ex- 


Robert   Fulion,    b.    Pulton,    Pa,,    1765 ,   constructed 

s  pad  die-  wheels  at  thirteen  ;  uiisuatura-painter  1782-S6 ; 

studied  under  Benjamin.  West;  turned  his  attention 

^^^npT      to  invention  1784 ;  1   ivtew  v  isis. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  131 

perimenting  in  France  with  diving  boats,  marine 
torpedoes,  and  steamboats.  There,  in  the  earliest 
years  of  the  century,  he  met  Robert  R.  Livingston, 
minister  of  the  United  States  to  France,  who,  by 
reason  of  experiments  on  the  Hudson,  had  secured 
in  1798,  under  certain  conditions,  the  right  of 
steam  navigation  of  the  waters  of  New  York  State. 
Livingston  had  failed  to  perform  the  requirements 
imposed  upon  him,  but  so  great  was  his  influence 
that  in  1803  he  secured  for  himself  and  Fulton  a 
similar  monopoly  provided  they  should,  "within 
two  years,  by  means  of  steam,  move  a  twenty-ton 
boat  four  miles  an  hour  against  the  current  of  the 
Hudson  River.'-  With  headquarters  on  the  Seine, 
Fulton  and  Livingston  experimented  and  met 
with  success  upon  a  trial  trip  of  their  steamboat 
in  spite  of  indifference  expressed  by  French  scien- 
tists. An  English  engine  was  forwarded  to  the 
United  States,  and  while  Fulton  remained  in  Lon- 
don for  two  years  trying  to  sell  torpedoes  to  the 
war  office  it  lay  on  a  New  York  dock,  held  for 
freight.  The  arrival  of  Fulton  stirred  Livingston 
to  action,  and  immediate  preparations  were  made 
for  further  experimentation.  The  monopoly  legis- 
lation, which  had  expired  by  limitation,  was  re- 
vived, and  in  1807  there  was  launched  the  "Cler- 
mont," a  steamboat  one  hundred  and  thirty  feet 
in  length,  with .  fifteen-foot  wheels,  largely  un- 
decked, wih  boiler  and  engine  set  in  masonry. 


132 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


i 


v. 


L  \. 


Yet  with  all  her  errors  of  construction,  and  she 
later  sank  at  her  dock,  the  '-Clermont"  ran  one 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  New  York  to  Albany 
in  thirty-two  hours,  and  established  for  her  owners 
"  the  sole  right  to  use  steam  on  the  lakes  and  riv- 
ers of  New  York  State  for  twenty  years  to  come." 
Subsequent  rebuilding  altered  the  "Clermont" 
until  in  appearance  and  comfort  she  rivalled  the 
finest  packet  boats. 

With  the  launching  of  the  "Clermont"  a  direct 
blow  was  struck  at  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  New 
York  contending  that  her  boundary  extended  to 
low  water  mark  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson 
River.  In  consequence  John  Cox  Stevens,  of  Ho- 
boken,  who  had  for  some  years  experimented  with 
steam,  was  practically  estopped  from  any  bene- 
fits which  might  arise  from  the  use  of  his 
"Phoenix,"  launched  in  1806.  He  thereupon  in 
1899  sent  his  vessel  to  Philadelphia,  where,  with 
a  steam  vessel  called  the  "Raritan,"  the  latter 
plying  between  New  Brunswick  and  New  York, 
the  former  between  Philadelphia  and  Borden- 
town,  a  route  was  opened  across  New  Jersey,  as- 
sisted by  the  stage  line  from  Bordentown  to  New 
Brunswick.  The  hands  of  Livingston  and  Fulton 
were  now  laid  upon  the  profits  of  the  New  Jersey 
boats.  Violent  was  the  protest  made  against  such 
an  outrage,  and  in  consequence  a  commercial  war 
between  New  lrork  and  New  Jersev  broke  out. 


i'd/   ' 


John  Cox  Stevens,  son  of  John  Stevens,  the  pioneer 
railroad  builder;  6.  Hoboken,  N.  J..  Sept.  24,  1785; 
grad.  Columbia  College  1803;  founder  of  the  New- 
York  Yacht  Club  1845,  and  its  first  commodore; 
owner  of  the  yacht  "  America,"  which  won  the  inter- 
national cup  1851 ;  d.  Hoboken,  June  13,  1S57. 


JOHN  COX  STEVENS. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  133 

As  during  the  period  of  the  confederation  New 
York  had  attempted  to  tax  the  boats  of  New  Jer- 
sey farmers,  and  the  Legislature  of  the  latter  State 
had  retaliated  by  taxing  Sandy  Hook  lighthouse, 
then  owned  by  New  York  City,  so  in  1810  it  was 
proposed  that  if  New  York  would  not  permit  a 
New  Jersey  steamboat  to  ply  the  Hudson  then  no 
Livingston-Fulton  monopoly  steamer  should  en- 
ter the  jurisdiction  of  New  Jersey.  This  demand 
was  modified  by  the  New  Jersey  Legislature, 
which  passed  an  act  in  1811  providing  that  as  in 
1808  New  Yrork  had  enacted  that  the  boat,  engine, 
tackle,  and  apparel  of  all  unlicensed  vessels  could 
be  seized  upon  the  same  principle,  the  owners 
might  "seize  any  boat  belonging  to  any  citizen 
of  New  York  found  in  the  waters  of  New  Jersey." 
To  this  the  New  Yorkers  replied  that  they  would 
grant  no  more  licenses  to  run  steamboats  to  New 
Jersey,  would  destroy  the  ferry  at  Paulus  Hook, 
and  eradicate  New  Brunswick.  But  the  steam- 
boat industry  on  the  Hudson  River,  in  spite  of  the 
fulminations  of  the  New  Jersey  Legislature,  re- 
mained in  the  grip  of  the  New  Y'ork  monopoly. 
With  injunctions,  and  by  the  power  of  their  influ- 
ence, Livingston  and  Fulton  broke  down  opposi- 
tion wherever  started. 

Again  the  scene  shifts  to  Philadelphia.  Here 
Stevens  endeavored  to  interest  capital  in  a  steam- 
boat line  to  Baltimore,  with  three  boats — two  on 


134  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Chesapeake  Bay  and  one  on  the  Delaware.  But 
the  plan  failed  at  the  time,  and  before  the  second 
war  with  England  was  well  begun  two  steam 
ferryboats  were  in  daily  use  in  the  waters  of  New 
Jersey.  One,  controlled  by  Livingston  and  Ful- 
ton, ran  from  Paulus  Hook  to  New  York  City,  the 
other  between  Philadelphia  and  the  Cooper's 
ferries,  now  Camden  City. 

The  two  ferryboats  plying  between  Paulus 
Hook  and  New  York  City  were  known  as  the 
"Jersey"  and  "York,"  and  were  similar  to  a  mod- 
ern catamaran.  Two  planked  hulls,  eighty  feet 
long  and  ten  feet  apart,  were  joined  together,  the 
space  between  the  hulls  being  occupied  by  the 
paddle  wheel.  The  necessary  machinery  left  only 
ten  feet  on  either  side  of  the  boat  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  passengers,  animals,  and  freight. 

On  the  Delaware  there  were,  during  the  War  of 
1812,  several  steamboats:  the  "Camden"  and  the 
"Phoenix,''  running  to  Trenton;  the  "Bristol" 
and  "Eagle"  to  Burlington;  and  the  "New  Jer- 
sey" to  White  Hill,  with  the  southern  terminus 
at  Philadelphia.  The  "Philadelphia"  supplanted 
the  "Phoenix"  in  1813. 

In  1813  Governor  Ogden,  of  New  Jersey,  estab- 
lished a  rival  ferry  between  Elizabethtown  Point 
and  New  York,  and  operated  a  boat  called  the 
"Seahorse,"  which  was  remarkable  for  her  speed. 
Plunged   into   litigation   by   the   prompt   attack 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


135 


made  by  Fulton  and  Livingston,  Governor  Ogden 
was  compelled  to  assume  the  defensive,  although 
on  November  3,  1813,  the  Legislature  of  New  Jer- 
sey had  conferred  exclusive  privileges  upon  him- 
self and  Daniel  Dod.  Ogden  in  the  meantime  had 
purchased  from  Gideon  Hill  Wells,  of  Trenton, 
administrator  of  John  Fitch,  all  of  Fitch's  rights 
secured  under  the  act  of  1786.  Against  Ogden 
and  Dod  was  pitted  Thomas  Gibbons,  a  Southern 
lawyer  of  wealth,  who  had  also  engaged  in  a 
steamboat  venture  between  Elizabethtown  and 
New  York,  one  of  Gibbons's  captains  being  Com- 
modore Vanderbilt. 

Upon  the  shoulders  of  Governor  Ogden  the  bur- 
den of  litigation  fell.  In  1815  the  Ogden-Dod  mo- 
nopoly was  repealed  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Sam- 
uel L.  Southard  and  Francis  Hopkinson,  counsel 
for  the  beneficiaries.  Governor  Ogden  having 
made  terms  with  Fulton  and  Livingston,  Gibbons, 
by  a  decision  rendered  in  the  Court  of  Appeals  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  was  sustained  in  his  at- 
tempt to  destroy  the  Ogden-Dod  monopoly.  But 
the  matter  being  carried  to  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States,  it  was  held  that  as  Gibbons's 
boat  was  licensed  to  carry  on  the  coasting  trade 
under  federal  regulations  he  had  a  right  to  go 
from  one  State  to  another  in  spite  of  the  provisions 
of  any  State  law.  It  was  in  this  argument  that 
Daniel  Webster  used  the  famous  expression:  "the 


THE  "CLERMONT." 


136  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

commerce  of  the  United  States  is  a  unit,"  and  this 
decision  being  reached,  the  steamboat  monopoly 
fell  forever,  wrecking  not  only  Governor  Ogden's 
fortune,  but  his  life. 


CHAPTER    V  1 1  J 

Manufactures  anp  the  Panic  of  1817 


FOLLOWING  the  close  of  the  second 
war  with  England,  and  indeed  to  a 
limited  extent  during  the  progress  of 
the  struggle,  men  of  affairs  had 
foreseen  the  possibilities  of  New  Jer- 
sey as  a  vast  manufacturing  community.  Peace, 
it  was  said,  had  brought  prosperity,  New  Jersey 
had  benefited  by  the  war  in  that  not  less  than 
two  million  dollars  had  been  circulated  in  the 
State  in  payment  for  transportation  of  goods  be- 
tween great  commercial  centers,  while  abundance 
of  water  power,  with  natural  mill  sites,  could  be 
nothing  less  than  attractive  to  investors.  Further 
more  the  tariff  of  181G  was  in  itself  a  blessing,  to 
the  kindly  influences  whereof  New  Jersey  would 
quickly  respond. 

Scarce  had  the  industrial  skies  brightened  ere 
they  were  overcast,  and  all  the  prosperity  hoped 
for  became  darkened  and  lost  to  view.  England, 
with  the  perpetual  peace  established  at  Waterloo, 
had  withdrawn  hosts  of  men  from  her  standing 
army,  who  added  themselves  to  the  well  filled 
ranks  of  labor,  with  the  result  of  dragging  down 
wages  and  cheapening  the  cost  of  manufactured 
goods.  The  English  capitalists,  quick  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  such  conditions,  and  realizing  that 
their  home  market  was  already  overstocked, 
sent  ship  load  after  ship  load  of  these 
cheap  but  tempting  fabrics  to  America,  and,  as 


140 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


Professor  John  Bach  McMaster  ingeniously  points 
out,  having  eluded  by  unlawful  devices  the  opera- 
tion of  the  tariff,  "hurried  his  packages  to  the 
auction  block,"  securing  instant  sale  at  no  ex- 
pense. Auction  rooms  in  which  every  scheme  and 
trick  known  to  the  unscrupulous  was  put  in  prac- 
tice were  filled  with  English  goods.  In  New  York 
City  in  1816  there  were  twenty-nine  licensed  auc- 
tioneers, whose  sales  amounted  each  year  to  thir- 
teen million  dollars.  Every  day  the  Paulus  Hook 
and  other  ferries  running  to  New  York  were 
crowded  with  prospective  buyers,  who  spent 
money  in  acquiring  fabrics  that  they  neither 
wanted  nor  could  use. 

To  the  State  Legislatures,  to  Congress,  came  the 
petitions  of  manufacturers,  who  saw  ruin  and 
desolation  spread  into  every  industry.  With  the 
advent  of  the  winter  of  1817  the  condition  of  the 
working  classes  became  truly  pitiable.  In  the 
New  England  manufacturing  centers,  in  New 
York,  Philadelphia,  and  Pittsburg,  there  was  in- 
tense distress.  Among  the  glass  blowers  in  the 
southern  portion  of  the  State,  among  the  mill 
operatives  in  Newark  and  its  vicinity,  among 
those  working  in  the  forges  and  bloomeries,  even 
along  the  New  Jersey  coast,  where  vessls  were 
rotting  at  the  wharves  for  want  of  cargoes,  the 
"hard  times"  balefully  spread. 

Then  with  the  general  lack  of  supervision  over 


ADMET  TfoCBKAlSSr 


AN   KARL.Y   KHRRY  TICKET. 


ONV  AND  AS  A  STATE  141 

the  methods  employed  by  officers  of  State  banks 
came  failures  and  the  inability  of  these  institu- 
tions to  sustain  specie  payments.  The  relation 
of  the  banks  to  industrial  prostration  was  clever- 
ly summed  up  by  a  correspondent  of  a  Connecticut 
newspaper  who  asked  the  question:  "Why  is  the 
community  so  much  embarrassed?"  and  then 
gave  the  answer: 

Because  banks  lend  money  that  they  have  not  got  to  lend, 
And  because  people  spend  money  they  have  not  got  to  spend. 

The  "remedy"  suggested  was  equally  perti- 
nent: 

Own  the  money  before  you  lend  it  I 
Earn  the  money  be/ore  you  spend  it ! 

As  illustrative  of  the  impoverished  condition  of 
the  municipality  in  which  the  Trenton  Banking 
Company  was  established  is  the  fact  that  it  fre- 
quently loaned  the  city  money  with  which  to  pay 
its  solitary  watchman. 

The  effects  of  the  panic  of  1817  were  less  last- 
ing and  less  detrimental  than  the  results  of  the 
panics  of  1837  and  of  1857.  Beyond  doubt  the 
immediate  physical  suffering  among  the  masses 
was  equally  as  great,  if  not  greater,  than  during 
the  termination  of  the  subsequent  cycles,  although 
it  must  be  remembered  that  subsequent  divisions 
of  labor  had  not  created  a  purely  artisan  class, 
dependent  almost  entirely  upon  others  for  the 
necessaries  of  life.     The  lines  between  the  farm 


142  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

and  the  town  had  not  been  as  sharply  drawn,  even 
as  they  were  in  1837,  and  few  there  were  either 
among  skilled  or  unskilled  labor  in  New  Jersey 
who  had  not  at  least  an  elementary  knowledge  of 
farming.  Those  who  worked  in  the  mills  could 
quickly  shift  their  course  and  turn  to  the  farm, 
securing  at  the  worst  sufficient  employment  to 
obtain  a  bit  of  food,  a  suit  of  old  clothes,  and  a 
cabin  or  abandoned  tenant  house  until  the  evil 
days  be  overpassed.  Such  indeed  was  the  condi- 
tion of  affairs  throughout  the  State  when  the 
years  1818  and  1819  brought  a  promise,  and  then 
a  fulfillment  of  that  promise,  concerning  the  ad- 
vent of  "better  times." 

The  close  of  the  "hard  times"  of  1817  marks 
the  termination  of  the  most  conspicuous  outward 
manifestations  and  signs  of  the  colonial  period. 
Here  and  there  were  to  be  found  survivors  of  the 
Revolution,  although  the  youngest  of  them  had  at- 
tained a  half  century  of  life.  Occasionally  an 
elderly  gentleman  wore  a  cue  and  knee  breeches 
of  silk;  some  still  kept  store  books  in  "York  cur- 
rency,"  and  took  a  "pinch"  from  gold  snuffboxes 
mounted  with  jewels.  But  the  habits  of  men, 
their  aims,  desires,  subjects  of  conversation,  their 
manners,  indeed,  had  undergone  radical  change. 
In  the  taverns  when  the  stage  coaches  stopped 
the  talk  of  the  hour  was  no  longer  concerning  our 
diplomatic  relations  with  England,  but  of  internal 


snvrr  boxks. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  143 

improvements.  Travellers  of  education  in  the 
coach  speculated  as  to  the  possibilities  of  cotton 
manufacture  in  Paterson,  as  to  a  plan  to  harness 
the  water  power  of  the  Delaware,  as  to  whether 
Jersey  City  would  grow  beyond  the  limits  of 
Paulus  Hook,  and  if,  after  all,  a  canal  could  be 
built  from  the  Delaware  to  the  Earitan,  and  who 
could  secure  that  vast  sum,  one  million  dollars, 
necessary  to  complete  so  stupendous  an  undertak- 
ing. Others  actually  prophesied  that  the  iron 
ore  of  the  northern  central  portion  of  the  State 
would  supplant  the  "bog"  furnaces  of  the 
"Pines,"  while  the  adventurous  spirits  who 
thought  that  a  day  might  come  when  a  steam- 
ship like  the  "Savannah"  would  cross  the  seas 
burning  anthracite  coal  from  Pennsylvania  had 
a  respectful,  although  skeptical,  auditory.  There 
were  bold  men  in  those  days,  men  who  actually  be- 
lieved the  Stevens  railroad  scheme  could  be  made 
practical,  and  that  the  "movable  steam  engines" 
would  fly  across  New  Jersey  in  spite  of  physical 
obstructions,  not  to  mention  adverse  prejudices, 
at  the  astonishing  rate  of  twenty  miles  an  hour. 
On  the  farms  there  were  those  who  looked  for- 
ward to  the  use  of  machinery  designed  to  relieve 
the  strain  and  stress  imposed  upon  manual  labor, 
but  these  dreamers  talked  in  whispers  for  fear  of 
knowing  looks  and  ominous  shakes  of  the  head  by 
those  who  heard  such  wild  theories  advanced. 


144 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


The  growing  towns  had  their  progressive  in- 
habitants, men  who  were  certain  that  Newark  and 
Elizabethtown  and  Trenton  would  be  brilliant  at 
night  with  gas  jets,  and  were  confident  that  when 
the  pipes  were  laid  beneath  the  soil  an  explosion 
as  sudden  as  it  would  be  disastrous  would  not 
take  place.  They  saw  the  future  extension  of  the 
public  water  supply  system,  urged  that  mud  holes 
in  the  public  thoroughfares  be  filled,  demanded 
the  laying  of  curbs  and  crossings,  and  even  advo- 
cated the  organization  of  an  equipped  force  of 
"watchmen  by  day  and  night,"  who  would  not 
sleep  on  door  steps,  and  who  would  patrol  their 
"beats"  instead  of  drinking  liquor  and  playing 
cards  in  public  houses. 

It  can  not  be  said  that  all  this  agitation  secured 
immediate  results,  and  that  the  reforms  desired 
were  speedily  accomplished.  Looking  out  from 
the  narrow  confines  of  colonial  habits  of  thought, 
men  saw  dimly  what  the  future  had  in  store;  it 
was  the  period  that  prepared  men  for  the  era  of 
unrest,  which,  during  the  political  domination  of 
Andrew  Jackson  and  all  that  he  represented, 
meant  not  only  sudden  changes  in  thought,  but 
equally  sudden  changes  in  action. 

Hence  to  the  end  color  goes  out  of  men's  lives. 
With  the  supremacy  of  steam  and  coal  and  iron, 
with  municipal  progress  and  readjustment  of 
political  conditions,  there  is  much  of  the  prosaic 


SHIN-PLASTER  CARICATURE  OF  JACKSON'S  WAR  ON  THE  UNITED 
STATES  BANK:    1837. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  145 

and  the  commonplace  injected  into  the  daily  do- 
ings of  people.  The  distinctive  characteristics  of 
the  governing  class  merge  into  the  characteristics 
of  the  mass.  Industrialism  brought  comforts  and 
luxuries  to  the  dead  level  of  humanity,  destroyed 
permanent  caste,  and  in  robbing  class  of  its  pic- 
turesqueness  raised  the  mass,  gradually  but  none 
the  less  surely,  toward  newer  and  broader  hopes 
and  aspirations. 

In  a  State  as  conservative  as  New  Jersey  the 
changes  thus  effected,  while  not  bold,  were  none 
the  less  noticeable.  A  distinctively  industrial 
type  of  life  could  not  supplant  ancient  custom 
and  modes  of  living  without  creating  protest. 
Naturally  manufactures  and  the  congestion  of 
population  in  the  larger  centers  met  with  opposi- 
tion. Upon  the  quiet  farms,  inherited  through 
many  generations,  men  railed  at  the  uselessness  of 
mills  and  factories.  These,  they  said,  will  only 
create  an  aristocracy  of  wealth,  and  bring  an  un- 
desirable emigration  to  the  State.  Our  sons,  it 
was  argued,  will  go  to  the  towns,  and,  neglecting 
the  farms,  who  will  then  till  the  soil?  Such  a  life 
with  its  worries,  its  alternate  successes  and  fail- 
ures, will  ruin  the  spirit  of  true  Americans,  and 
turn  the  nation  into  the  home  of  a  race  of  specu- 
lators. These,  at  least,  were  the  arguments  ad- 
vanced by  well  meaning  if  not  far  sighted  men, 
who   laboriously   penned   their   screeds   for   the 


146  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

weekly  newspapers.  And  what,  said  one,  as  if 
the  argument  was  final,  is  the  life  of  a  town,  with 
its  dissipations,  its  glamour,  its  indifference  to 
personal  likes  and  dislikes?  Out  upon  the  mills, 
and  the  towns  where  they  are  built,  where  there 
is  neither  pure  air,  the  comforts  of  a  well  stocked 
kitchen,  or  morality! 

Scarcely  less  objectionable  was  the  prospect  of 
a  railroad.  Against  such  an  abomination  the  bat- 
teries of  ridicule,  contempt,  and  even  hatred  were 
turned.  The  engines  could  not  eat  hay  and  were 
of  no  value  to  the  farmer;  the  noise  of  trains  would 
disturb  the  animals  grazing  in  the  fields;  sparks 
would  destroy  barns;  the  tracks  would  be  unsafe, 
the  cars  would  run  away  and  kill  the  passengers; 
the  people  who  travelled  were  Godless  denizens 
from  afar,  who  brought  neither  money  nor  reputa- 
tion on  their  journey;  and,  worse  than  all,  what 
would  become  of  the  turnpike  companies  and  the 
stage  coach  lines? 

The  beginning  of  the  end  had  come.  "The  spin- 
ning-wheel and  the  flax  carding  machines  were 
soon  to  be  silenced  forever,"  says  a  modern  writ- 
er; "the  rumbling  carts  to  give  place  to  wagons 
built  by  men  experienced  in  the  trade.  No  longer 
the  farmer  made  his  own  hoes  and  shovels  or  had 
his  negro  men  work  in  leather.  His  produce,  con- 
sumed upon  his  own  farm,  or  in  the  nearby  mar- 
ket town,  was,  ere  long,  to  be  carted  to  the  cities, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


147 


first  by  wagons  over  the  new-made  'pikes,  and 
then  by  the  railroads  or  steamboats.  The  young 
men  were  becoming  restless  and  looked  out  upon 
a  horizon  wider  than  the  limits  of  the  plantation. 
The  simple  domestic  existence  no  longer  satisfied 
the  daughters  who  strove  for  a  higher  plane  of  in- 
tellectual development  and  wished  for  the  cos- 
tumes and  something  of  the  gayer  life  at  the 
towns.  Such  alterations  in  the  static  life  of  a  vast 
farming  community,  the  desire  for  a  change,  is  an 
important  element  in  the  economic  history  of  a 
State,  and  can  not  be  dismissed  as  a  trifle  un- 
worthy of  consideration.  These  ambitions  neces- 
sitated the  expenditure  of  money,  increased  travel, 
and  brought  to  minds,  unaccustomed  to  vigorous 
thinking,  new  impressions." 


— .     -  -    -  ■: 

'--■-.'• 


ARRIVXL,  op  i*aj»attottf:  in  im*. 


OHAPTKK    IX 


A  Q»?AKT.K.K  Olftl  I'll"   tPiOiilJlT.108 


w 


ITH  the  advent  to  the  presidency 
of  Thomas  Jefferson  there  came 
to  the  executive  chair  one  whose 
destiny  it  was  to  mould  into  liv- 
ing form  those  floating,  half- 
vague  ideas  and  theories  that,  by  means  of  the 
press  and  emigration,  had  reached  America  as  the 
outcome  of  the  French  Revolution.  As  a  philo- 
sophical statesman  he  was,  says  John  T.  Morse, 
Jr.,  the  editor  of  the  "American  Statesmen,"  in 
his  "Introduction"  to  "Thomas  Jefferson,"  "a 
man  of  broad  views,  powerful  and  original  intel- 
lect, and  by  his  nature  sincerely  in  sympathy  with 
the  most  advanced  political  doctrines  of  the  age." 
But  he  was  more  than  this;  he  was  a  skillful,  far- 
seeing  politician,  one  who,  having  organized  his 
party  and  led  it  to  victory,  could  hold  it  in  the  hol- 
low of  his  hand,  and,  unlike  his  rival,  Hamilton, 
could  exact  from  his  followers  an  allegiance  as 
blind  as  it  was  unquestioning. 

The  personal  popularity  of  Jefferson,  his  de- 
nunciation of  the  centralizing  tendency  of  Feder- 
alism, his  "peace  by  isolation"  theory,  his  democ- 
ratizing of  the  lines  of  government,  have  marked 
his  administration  as  an  interesting  rather  than  a 
great  epoch  in  American  history.  It  was  the 
time  of  the  play  of  social  forces,  it  was  a  period 
of  unrest,  the  natural  outgrowth  of  conditions 
over  which  neither  party  leaders  nor  political  in- 


152 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


stitutions  had  control.  It  was  a  new  parting  of 
the  roads,  a  new  casting  away  of  part  of  the  colo- 
nial garment,  a  new  embarking  upon  the  sea  of 
social  conditions.  The  retention  of  the  Federal- 
ists in  power  would  have  delayed  but  not  stopped 
the  movement — it  would  have  rested  but  a  little 
while  ere  reforms  would  have  been  instituted 
which  would  have  left  an  impress  forever  upon  the 
social  life  of  America. 

Yet  Jefferson  was  quite  as  much  an  aristocrat 
as  he  was  a  man  whose  sympathies  went  out  to 
the  people.  While  he  believed  the  great  heart  of 
the  masses  beat  true  he  also  believed  that  the 
people  should  always  select  for  places  of  power 
men  like  himself,  who  to  natural  ability  should 
also  add  that  aptitude  for  administering  the  gov- 
ernment which  might  be  supposed  to  spring  from 
a  broad  education  in  historical  and  political  di- 
rections, and  a  career  of  steadily  widening  expe- 
rience in  public  affairs.  "If  he  found  them  using 
their  creative  power  in  order  to  elevate  men  of 
not  more  than  ordinary  intellectual  calibre,  and 
of  little  artificially  acquired  aptness,  he  would 
have  indignantly  rebuked  them  for  betraying  just 
expectations."  And  such  were  the  views  of  James 
Madison,  James  Monroe,  George  Clinton,  De  Witt 
Clinton,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  Albert  Gallatin, 
John  Quincy  Adams,  and  John  Randolph. 

In  New  Jersey  the  doctrines  promulgated  by 


1*34-2? ,    5.    Maxell  Z,    1705 ;    (raft.    OotoaiWa  Collw 
VS8S-08  ;  aiaywr-  at  H«r  York.  180?  . 

■  i,,.  ,«-,.,,.  Ooa&l       ■•     pa*    ft,  133S. 


Z/*0t«#*    fa&s^&t. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  153 

Jefferson  had  gained  ground,  but  not  sufficient  to 
affect  the  electoral  votes  of  the  State,  which  were 
cast  in  1800  for  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts, 
as  President,  and  Charles  O.  Pinckney,  of  South 
Carolina,  as  Vice-President,  the  Federalist  candi- 
dates. But  when  the  electoral  votes  were  counted 
it  was  found  that  Jefferson  had  seventy-three, 
Burr  seventy-three,  Adams  sixty-five,  Pinckney 
sixty-four,  and  Jay  one.  There  being  no  choice,  it 
was  then  that  the  memorable  contest  in  the  Fed- 
eraiistic  House  of  Bepresentatives  occurred, 
which  lasted  from  February  11  to  the  17th  of 
that  month.  On  the  first  ballot  the  vote  of  New 
Jersey  was  divided,  three  of  the  members  voting 
for  Jefferson  and  two  for  Burr.  At  last  a  com- 
promise was  effected,  ten  States  voting  for  Jeffer- 
son, among  which  was  New  Jersey,  four  for  Burr, 
and  two  blank.  And  for  the  first  time  a  native  of 
New  Jersey  sat  in  the  vice-presidential  chair. 

In  New  Jersey  the  Federalists  had  retained  con- 
trol of  the  Legislature,  although  losing  their  mem- 
bers of  Congress.  In  consequence  whereof  the 
name  of  Richard  Howell,  at  the  joint  meeting  of 
the  Legislature  held  upon  October  30,  1800,  met. 
with  no  opposition. 

But  in  the  year  1801  the  political  situation  had 
material^  altered,  the  leadership  of  the  Jefferson- 
ians,  or  as  generally  called  the  Republicans,  being 
in  the  hands  of  Joseph  Bloomfield,  who  for  his 


154 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


attitude  taken  at  a  Republican  meeting  at  Slab- 
town — near  Mount  Holly — was  called  the  "Slab- 
town  Governor."  This  epithet  had  been  hurled  at 
him  by  the  Federalists  because  he  had  been  charged 
with  deserting  their  party.  This  charge  was  based 
simply  upon  a  declaration  made  by  Governor 
Bloomfield  as  one  of  the  committee  of  the  New 
Jersey  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  when,  in  view  of 
a  possible  French  war,  the  society  reported  an  ad- 
dress to  President  John  Adams  expressing  its 
"entire  satisfaction  with  his  administration  of 
government."  But  Governor  Bloomfield  had  done 
no  more  than  many  another  leader  throughout  the 
United  States  was  doing — forsaken  a  party 
whose  disregard  of  popular  rights,  whose  corrup- 
tion and  general  inability  to  cope  with  proper 
measures,  had  brought  it  into  disrepute.  Into  the 
new  party  were  coming  young  men  of  note.  Will- 
iam S.  Pennington,  afterward  governor,  and  his 
brother  Samuel;  Andrew  Kirkpatrick,  chief  jus- 
tice of  New  Jersey;  Mahlon  Dickerson,  at  one  time 
editorial  writer  for  Duane's  Aurora,  the  great 
Philadelphia  exponent  of  Republicanism;  later 
Governor  Peter  D.  Vroom,  who  while  young  took 
little  part  in  politics,  but  afterward  became  so 
earnest  a  supporter  of  Andrew  Jackson;  and  Will- 
iam Rossell,  the  leader  of  the  party  in  West  Jer- 
sey, were  but  a  few  who  afterward  became  con- 
spicuous.   Of  the  avowed  Federalists  there  were 


amw*  KifkjMUrscA,  uit,  <»f  David,  a  Scotcn  immi- 
grant 1726 j  ft.  Mine  Brook,  N.  J,  Feb.  17.  1766 ;  (rod. 
Princeton  College  1775;  lawyer  1716;  member  New 
Jersey  Legislature  1797;  associate  and  cnief  Justice 
New  Jersey  Supreme  Court;  married  Jane  Bayard 
1792.  an  antberesa,  &.  Stow  Brwnnwick,  X.  J.,  Jon. 
7.  ISM 


ANDRZW    trjRKFATRlOB 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  155 

Aaron  Ogden;  Associate  Justice  Isaac  Smith, 
then  an  elderly  man;  William  Griffith,  one 
of  President  Adams's  "  midnight  judges,"  whose 
Federalistic  proclivities  did  not  forbid  him  to 
write  "Eumenes,"  a  plea  for  constitutional  re- 
form, and  Associate  Justice  John  Moore  White. 

The  gubernatorial  election  held  upon  October 
31,  1801,  brought  two  candidates  into  the  field: 
the  Republican  or  administration  leader,  Joseph 
Bloomfield,  and  Richard  Stockton,  the  candidate 
of  the  Federalists.  For  Governor  Bloomfield  Es- 
sex, Monmouth,  Salem,  Hunterdon,  Cumberland, 
Morris,  and  Sussex  Counties  voted  solidly,  with 
one  member  each  from  the  Counties  of  Gloucester 
and  Cape  May.  The  counties  voting  for  Richard 
Stockton  were  Bergen,  Middlesex,  Somerset,  and 
Burlington,  the  remaining  portion  of  the  Glouces- 
ter house  delegation,  and  the  member  of  Council 
from  Cape  May.    The  vote  was  thirty  to  twenty. 

Again,  upon  the  28th  of  October,  1802,  Governor 
Bloomfield  and  Richard  Stockton  had  a  contest  for 
the  position  of  governor,  a  political  fight  of  great 
bitterness,  which  resulted  in  a  tie  vote  of  twenty- 
six  to  twenty-six.  Governor  Bloomfield  had  solid 
delegations  from  the  Counties  of  Essex,  Mon- 
mouth, Salem,  Morris,  Sussex,  and  Cumberland, 
with  a  member  of  the  house  and  the  member  of 
Council  from  Hunterdon  County.  Richard  Stock- 
ton's vote  was  cast  by  the  delegations  from  Ber- 


156 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


KAMBKRT. 


gen,  Middlesex,  Somerset,  Burlington,  Glouces- 
ter, and  Cape  May,  with  three  of  the  four  house 
members  from  Hunterdon  County.  Upon  Novem- 
ber 25  an  attempt  was  made  by  Stockton's  friends 
to  secure  control  of  the  Legislature  by  the  substi- 
tution of  the  name  of  Aaron  Ogden.  The  result 
remaining  unchanged,  after  an  ineffectual  ballot, 
John  Lambert,  by  virtue  of  his  constitutional  pow- 
ers as  vice-president  of  Council,  became  acting 
governor  until  October  27,  1803. 

Upon  the  27th  of  October,  1803,  the  Legislature 
again  balloted  for  governor,  the  candidates  still 
being  Joseph  Bloomfield  and  Eichard  Stockton. 
In  the  contest  Richard  Stockton  was  defeated  by 
a  vote  of  thirty-three  to  seventeen,  Stockton  being 
unable  to  control  votes  other  than  those  of  solid 
delegations  from  the  Counties  of  Middlesex,  Som- 
erset, Burlington,  Cape  May,  and  Bergen.  In 
the  following  year,  on  October  25,  1804,  Bloom- 
field  and  Stockton  were  again  candidates,  the 
vote  being  thirty-seven  to  sixteen  in  favor  of 
Bloomfield.  In  1804  Stockton  held  the  counties 
voting  for  him  in  1803  except  Somerset,  which 
gave  him  but  one  vote,  that  of  a  member  of  the 
house  delegation. 

In  the  year  1804,  upon  the  11th  of  July,  an  event 
occurred  in  New  Jersey  which  profoundly  stirred 
the  country,  and  which  brought  upon  the  head  of 
Aaron  Burr  a  full  measure  of  opprobrium.  It  was 


John  liambcrt,  act5ns  governor  at  New  Jeteey 
1802-02;  b.  17*8;  member  State  begtotattire  ma*f 
years ;  member  of  Congress  180K-S) ;  United  State* 
asnator  1809-15 :  <?  iv  Anrwelt,  K.  ,T..  F*»b.  4.  IS*» 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  157 

his  duel  with  Alexander  Hamilton  upon  the  fa- 
mous ground  at  Weehawken.  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  merits  or  demerits  of  the  quarrel 
between  Burr  and  Hamilton,  involving  a  range  of 
political  and  social  relations,  no  one  can  deny  that 
the  bullet  from  Burr's  pistol  brought  death  not 
only  to  the  leader  of  a  great  party,  but  to  the  party 
as  well.  Although  Federalism  for  five  years  had 
been  declining,  the  party  had  possessed  sufficient 
vitality  in  New  Jersey  to  tie  the  State  in  1802,  and 
to  make  a  respectable  showing  at  each  session  of 
the  Legislature.  So  long  as  its  acknowledged  head 
was  alive  it  could  gasp  for  breath.  But  after  that 
fateful  day  Federalism  in  the  nation  gave  way  to 
the  new  order. 

To  the  people  of  the  State  the  name  of  Hamil- 
ton was  endeared  quite  as  much  by  his  active  in- 
terest in  the  stimulation  of  local  manufactures  as 
by  his  political  leadership.  He  had  been  the  friend 
of  William  Livingston  and  Washington;  he  had 
been  active  in  the  establishment  of  the  "Society 
for  Establishing  Useful  Manufactures";  he 
had  watched  over  the  beginnings  of  the  "proprie- 
tors," later  the  "associators,"  of  the  Paulus  Hook 
project,  from  which  grew.  Jersey  City.  He  had 
encouraged  Fitch  and  Stevens  in  their  steamboat  ~*^ 
experiments;  he  was  known  as  the  friend  of  those 
who  dreamed  of  a  canal  uniting  the  waters  of 
the  TJaritan  with  ffhose  of  the  Delaware;  he  had 


•rar  HAWKEN. 


158 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


stood  for  political  conservatism,  such  as  the  con- 
stitution of  the  State  itself  represented. 

Nor  was  the  interest  of  New  Jersey  in  Burr  less 
great,  except  that  it  was  raised  upon  the  less  firm 
basis  of  political  rather  than  economic  and  social 
considerations.  The  Vice-President  had  been  born 
in  Newark,  his  father  had  been  president  of  the  Col- 
lege of  New  Jersey,  he  had  fought  in  the  Revolu- 
tion upon  the  soil  of  this  State,  and  as  a  member 
of  the  New  York  bar  had  been  brought  into  asso- 
ciation with  New  Jersey's  judges  and  practition- 
ers of  law.  He  had,  moreover,  been  closely  in  touch 
with  those  Jerseymen  who  were  but  recently  in- 
strumental in  bringing  the  commonwealth  into 
an  active  support  of  the  policies  of  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson. But  in  spite  of  this,  in  spite  of  his  nerv- 
ous, dominant  leadership,  Burr  lacked,  even  in 
his  native  State,  that  power  to  hold  men  close  to 
him,  although  he  well  enough  knew  how  to  at- 
tract them.  Even  his  most  enthusiastic  support- 
ers stood  aghast  at  the  results  of  the  duel,  and  de- 
fended their  leader  as  best  they  could  from  the 
torm  of  execration  and  abuse  that  swept  down 
upon  him — the  storm  that  ever  lowered  and  fol- 
lowed him  years  after  from  his  little  home  on  Sta- 
ten  Island,  a  broken,  world-worn  man,  to  a  grave 
by  his  father's  side  in  Princeton. 

From  1805  to  1800  Governor  Bloomfield  was  un- 
opposed.    The  elections  were  held  upon  October 


THEODOSIA  BURR. 

^Daughter  of  Aaron   Burr:   b.   Albany.  S.  T-.  1781 : 

ehtpwreeked  or  siain  by  pirate;  white  on  her 

war  Jroir  Ctoarteatoo  u>  New  York, 


ONY   AND  AS  A  STATE  159 

25,  1805,  October  31,  1806,  October  30,  1807,  and 
October  31,  1808. 

Indeed  such  was  the  case  until  the  year  1812, 
except  that  upon  the  27th  of  October,  1809,  the 
names  of  William  S.  Pennington,  William  Rossell, 
and  Aaron  Ogden  were  presented  only  to  be  with- 
drawn.   A  like  course  was  adopted  upon  October 

26,  1810,  when  Pennington  and  Rossell  again  ap- 
peared, while  upon  the  26th  of  October,  1811,  Pen- 
nington and  Ogden  were  mentioned  to  be  with- 
drawn. 

In  the  year  1812,  owing  to  the  Federalists'  pol- 
icy concerning  the  war,  and  their  adroit  gerry- 
mander, the  party  was  galvanized  into  activity, 
so  successfully,  in  fact,  that  its  candidate,  Aaron 
Ogden,  at  the  joint  meeting  held  upon  October 
29,  1812,  was  elected  governor  by  a  vote  of  thirty 
to  twenty-two.  His  defeated  competitor  was  Will- 
iam S.  Pennington.  The  vote  in  this  year,  reflect- 
ing directly  the  strength  of  the  Federalists,  shows 
that  the  anti-war  sentiment  was  unevenly  dis- 
tributed throughout  the  State.  The  county  dele- 
gations in  the  house  and  Council  voting  solidly 
for  Ogden  were  Bergen,  Middlesex,  Monmouth, 
Somerset,  Burlington,  Gloucester,  Cape  May,  and 
three  out  of  four  of  the  Hunterdon  members  of  the 
house.  For  William  S.  Pennington  Essex,  Salem, 
Sussex,  Morris,  and  Cumberland  Counties  and  the 


160 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


WIL.UAM 


members  of  Council  for  Hunterdon  County  cast 
their  votes. 

But  the  gubernatorial  election  held  upon  Octo- 
ber 29, 1813,  reversed  the  situation  and  threw  New 
Jersey  into  the  Republican  column.  The  Federal- 
ists had  grown  unpopular;  and  although  Aaron 
Ogden,  contesting  as  his  own  successor,  held  in 

;  control  the  counties  voting  for  him  in  1812,  lie 
nevertheless  lost  Hunterdon  and  Monmouth,  and 
was  defeated  by  William  S.  Pennington,  the  vote 
standing  thirty  to  twenty.  This  contest  between 
Ogden  and  Pennington  was  renewed  upon  Octo- 

m  ber  23,  1814,  with  no  different  result  from  that  of 
1813,  the  various  county  delegations  remaining 
faithful  to  their  political  leaders,  the  vote  stand- 
ing twenty-nine  to  twenty-three. 

Succeeding  William  S.  Pennington  came  Mah- 
lon  Dickerson,  who  was  probably  unopposed  in 
two  elections  held  October  26,  1815,  and  October 
28,  1816. 

On  the  1st  of  February,  1817,  Mahlon  Dicker- 
son,  in  view  of  his  acceptance  of  the  office  of 
United  States  senator  from  the  State  of  New  Jer- 
sey, resigned  his  office  as  governor.  At  a  joint 
meeting  held  upon  February,  6,  1817,  three  candi- 
dates were  placed  in  nomination:  Isaac  H.  Will- 
iamson, Joseph  Mcllvaine,  and  Samuel  L.  South- 
ard. Williamson  on  the  first  ballot  received 
twenty-six  votes,  the  solid  delegations  of  Bergen, 


:.m    S&tAotA   PoBQiESton,   b.   i-ieror&ra, 

1737 ;  major  in  Revokrtionary  army ;  admitted  to  tbe 

fear    1802;    aeroeiate    Juatic*    New    J«r»»y    Supremo 

Court  1KM ;   governor  of  New  Jareey  1813-18 ;  jadge 

:    V"»wrk,  g*pt.  IP.  193?. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  161 

Essex,  Middlesex,  Somerset,  and  Sussex  Counties, 
with  the  member  of  Council  and  one  member  of 
the  house  from  Morris,  two  members  of  the  house 
from  Hunterdon,  and  one  member  of  the  house 
from  Gloucester.  Mcllvaine  had  twenty-one 
votes — solid  delegations  from  Monmouth,  Bur- 
lington, Salem,  Cape  May,  and  Cumberland  Coun- 
ties, and  two  members  of  the  house  and  member 
of  Council  from  Gloucester.  Southard  had  six 
votes — a  member  of  Council  and  two  members  of 
the  house  from  Hunterdon  County  and  three 
members  of  the  house  from  Morris  County. 

A  second  vote  being  taken,  three  of  Southard's 
supporters  voted  for  Williamson  and  one  for  Mc- 
llvaine. The  final  vote  stood  Williamson  twenty- 
nine,  Mcllvaine  twenty-two,  Southard  two. 

It  will  be  noticed  in  this  contest  that  party  lines 
gave  place  to  choice  made  upon  geographical  di- 
visions; that  North  Jersey,  almost  as  a  unit,  sup- 
ported Williamson  and  Southard,  while  South 
Jersey  advocated  Mcllvaine. 

With  the  year  1817  the  country  entered  upon 
an  "era  of  good  feeling,"  when  party  politics  were 
eschewed,  and  when  the  State  leaders  to  a  large 
degree  lost  or  seemed  to  lose  their  interest.  For 
twelve  years,  or  from  November  1,  1817,  to  Octo- 
ber 30,  1829,  Isaac  H.  Williamson,  unopposed,  oc- 
cupied the  executive  chair.  The  several  dates  of 
his  joint   meeting  reelections   were   October  30, 


162  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

1818,  October  29,  1819,  October  27,  1820,  October 
25,  1821,  October  25,  1822,  October  31,  1823,  Octo- 
ber 29,  1824,  October  28,  1825,  October  27,  1826, 
October  26,  1827,  and  October  31,  1828. 

In  his  political  faith  Isaac  H.  Williamson  fa- 
vored Republicanism,  but  he  was  in  no  sense  a  de- 
cided partisan  of  the  type  of  Acting  Governor 
Lambert  and  Governors  Bloomfield  and  Penning- 
ton. He  had  been  outspoken  against  the 
opposition  of  the  Federalists  to  the  second  war 
with  England,  and  without  his  knowledge  had 
been  nominated  in  1815  by  the  Essex  County  Re- 
publicans, and  elected  by  them  as  a  member  of 
the  House  of  Assembly. 

In  the  distribution  of  party  favors  the  Repub- 
licans had  by  no  means  neglected  to  send  their 
men  to  the  United  States  Senate,  although  in 
the  selection  of  representatives  to  the  upper  house 
party  lines  were  not  so  closely  drawn  as  in  later 
days.  There  had  sat  as  Republicans  Jonathan 
Dayton,  John  Condict,  John  Lambert,  James  J. 
Wilson  (the  able  editor  of  the  Trenton  True  Ameri- 
can, who  was  defeated  in  a  vote  of  thirty  to  twen- 
ty-four by  Samuel  Lewis  Southard),  and  Mahlon 
Dickerson,  who  sat  from  1817  to  1829,  unopposed. 

New  Jersey  had  been  equally  true  to  her  polit- 
ical faith  in  her  vote  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  In  1804  the  electors  of 
the  State  had  voted  for  Thomas  Jefferson  and 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


163 


George  Clinton,  in  1808  for  James  Madison  and 
George  Clinton,  and  in  1812  for  De  Witt  Clinton 
and  Jarard  Ingersoll,  Clinton  being  a  "peace" 
Republican,  who  had  been  indorsed  by  Federal- 
ists, this  move  having  a  phase  in  the  temporary 
success  of  Federalism  in  New  Jersey  during  that 
year.  In  1816  the  State's  electors  voted  for  James 
Monroe  and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins  and  again  for  the 
same  candidates  in  1820. 


THB  HAMILTON-BURR  DUEL. 


OH AFTER    X 
The  Era  of  thk  Turnpike 


FROM  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth 
century  until  the  introduction  of 
railway  legislation  in  the  early  thir- 
ties marks  the  era  of  the  turnpike, 
when  New  Jersey,  following  the  ex- 
ample set  by  other  States  as  well  as  by  the  nation- 
al government,  made  efforts  to  unite,  by  a  better 
system  of  public  roads,  the  small  towns,  not  only 
one  with  another,  but  with  the  great  centers  of 
Philadelphia  and  New  York.  These  instruments 
of  association,  crude  as  they  may  have  been, 
formed  the  connecting  link  between  the  colonial 
avenues  of  transportation,  out  of  wrhich  they  grew, 
and  the  days  of  steam. 

By  1800  there  were  estimated  to  be  about  eleven 
hundred  mill  sites  in  the  State,  of  which  five 
hundred  were  devoted  to  the  milling  of  flour.  The 
products  of  New  Jersey,  as  classified  by  contem- 
poraneous writers,  were  wheat,  flour,  cider,  horses, 
live  cattle,  hams  (which  were  celebrated  as  being 
among  the  best  in  the  world),  lumber,  flaxseed, 
leather,  and  iron  in  pigs  and  bars.  It  was  esti- 
mated that  Morris  County  alone  could  supply  all 
the  iron  ore  needed  in  the  United  States.  At  the 
opening  of  the  century  there  were  in  that  county 
two  furnaces,  two  rolling  mills,  two  slitting  mills, 
and  thirty  forges,  while  in  all  New  Jersey  there 
were  produced  about  twelve  hundred  tons  of  pig- 
iron,  twelve  hundred  tons  of  bar  iron,  and  two 


168 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


hundred  tons  of  nail  rods.  Of  the  products  of  the 
farm  New  Jersey  gave  especial  attention  to  the 
development  of  merino  sheep,  which  in  1802  had 
been  brought  to  New  England  from  Spain  by 
Colonel  David  Humphreys,  former  minister  to  the 
Spanish  court.  By  1815  there  were  twenty-five 
thousand  merino  sheep  in  New  Jersey,  of  which 
one-quarter  were  in  Burlington.  On  the  grazing 
lands  forming  a  part  of  Newark  and  nearby  towns 
were  three  thousand  seven  hundred  of  these  ani- 
mals, while  Middlesex,  Salem,  and  Gloucester  had 
each  about  two  thousand.  There  were  probably 
one  hundred  and  fifty  carding  machines  in  the 
State,  twenty-nine  being  located  in  the  County  of 
Sussex. 

The  valleys  of  Morris,  Sussex,  and  Yvarren 
Counties  were  filled  with  beef  cattle,  horses  could 
be  found  upon  every  large  plantation  in  the  cen- 
tral part  of  the  State,  while  the  blue  blossom  of 
the  flax  plant,  scattered  through  every  township, 
gave  promise  of  woman's  work  upon  the  farm 
when  hatcheling-time  came. 

To  reach  a  distant  market  was  primarily  the 
first  object  of  those  who  were  instrumental  in  ad- 
vancing the  cause  of  good  roads,  which  began 
with  the  chartering  of  the  turnpikes.  Good  roads, 
then  as  now,  meant  cheaper  goods,  saving  of 
freights,  improved  maifeicilities,  increased  circu- 
lation of  newspapers,  accessibility  of  schools  and 


4     AIKW     .OvRSKY     «TAAP     r- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  169 

churches,  in  fact  the  development  of  every  factor 
in  association.  Thus  it  was  that  the  turnpikes 
penetrated  every  portion  of  Central  and  Northern 
New  Jersey;  in  some  instances  old  roads  were 
constructed  upon  new  lines.  Their  building  re- 
sulted in  the  expenditure  of  large  sums  of  money 
for  labor  and  materials,  and  brought  to  themselves 
lanes  leading  to  the  homes  of  wealthy  landown- 
ers, as  well  as  subsidiary  roads  which  connected 
the  pikes  with  numerous  small  villages. 

Thomas  F.  Gordon,  in  his  Gazetteer  published  in 
1834,  in  examining  the  causes  leading  to  the  con- 
struction of  turnpikes  in  New  Jersey,  states  that 
the  objects  of  their  incorporation  were  threefold. 
First  it  was  the  desire  of  facilitating  commu- 
nication between  Philadelphia  and  New  York;  the 
need  of  an  outlet  for  the  products  of  the  fields  and 
mines  of  the  northern  interior;  and  the  creation  of 
a  market  in  New  York  City,  to  which  end  metro- 
politan capital  was  largely  invested  in  New  Jer- 
sey turnpike  enterprises. 

The  first  turnpike  project  for  which  a  charter 
was  granted  in  New  Jersey  was  a  bold  one,  seek- 
ing to  unite  the  headwaters  of  the  Delaware  with 
Newark  Bay.  The  road  extended  from  Elizabeth 
through  Springfield,  Chatham,  Morristown,  Suc- 
casunny,  Stanhope,  Newton,  and  Culver's  Gap  to 
the  Delaware  opposite  Milford,  and  was  known 
as  the  Morris  turnpike.    So  rapidly  was  the  north- 


170  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

western  portion  of  the  State  developing  that  in 
1804  and  1806  two  separate  charters  authorized 
the  construction  of  the  Union  turnpike,  from  Mor- 
ristown  through  Dover,  crossing  the  Rockaway 
River  near  Lake  Hopatcong,  thence  by  Sparta  to 
Culver's  Gap,  where  it  rejoined  the  Morris  turn- 
pike. In  1806  the  eastern  and  western  portions 
of  the  State  were  united  by  the  "Jersey"  turn- 
pike, extending  from  New  Brunswick  to  Phillips- 
burg,  passing  through  Somerville,  White  House, 
Pottersville,  Clinton,  and  Bloomsbury,  while  at 
the  same  time  the  Legislature  authorized  the  con- 
struction of  a  turnpike  from  Morristown  by  Mend- 
ham,  Chester,  German  Valley,  and  Mansfield  to 
Phillipsburg.  Also  in  the  year  1806  the  Paterson 
and  Hamburg  'pike  was  chartered,  practically 
paralleling  the  Morris  'pike,  and  distant  there- 
from about,  fifteen  miles  in  a  northeasterly  direc- 
tion. A  charter  was  secured  for  the  Paterson 
and  Hamburg  road  from  Acquackanonk  Landing 
through  Paterson,  Preakness,  Bloomingdale, 
Newfoundland,  and  Hamburg  to  Deckertown,  and 
was  subsequently  chartered  to  Milford  under  the 
legislative  sanction  of  1808.  Thus  Milford  and 
Phillipsburg  upon  the  upper  Delaware,  and  Tren- 
ton under  the  Trenton  and  New  Brunswick  'pike 
charter  in  1804,  were  ultimately  connected  with 
the  tidal  waters  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson. 
The  ambitious  enterprise  of  the  proprietors  and 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  171 

associates  of  the  Paulus  Hook  scheme  led  to  the 
chartering  of  a  turnpike  company  in  1804  connect- 
ing Jersey  City  with  Hackensack,  to  which  plan 
the  State  subscribed  f  12,500.  Two  years  previous- 
ly a  charter  for  a  turnpike  from  Hackensack  to 
Hoboken  had  also  been  secured. 

Around  Newark  the  turnpikes  radiated  like 
spokes  from  a  hub.  There,  in  180G,  were  the  roads 
chartered  to  extend  to  Pompton,  to  Mount  Pleas- 
ant, and  under  the  title  of  the  "Essex  and  Middle- 
sex" by  way  of  Eliizabeth,  Rahway,  and  Metuchen 
to  New  Brunswick,  while  a  road  was  projected, 
but  never  completed,  to  Springfield.  During  the 
next  year  the  Belleville  turnpike  was  chartered, 
connecting  with  the  Newark  and  Pompton  road. 
It  was  in  1811  that  the  construction  of  the  turn- 
pike from  Newark  to  Morristown  through  South 
Orange  was  authorized. 

From  Perth  Amboy  a  turnpike,  chartered  in 
1808,  extended  through  Bonhamtown  and  Me- 
tuchen to  Bound  Brook,  intersected  by  another 
'pike  which  ran  from  New  Brunswick  to  Railway, 
passing  Piscataway,  Bonhamtown,  and  Wood- 
bridge. 

With  the  growth  of  Paterson  and  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Passaic  Valley  came  new  turnpikes. 
In  1806  a  road  was  chartered  from  New  Prospect 
to  Ramapo  (New  York  State  line),  in  1809  the 
Parsippany     and     Rockaway     from     Vanduyns 


M 

M 

172  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

through  Rockaway  to  the  Union  turnpike,  while 
even  the  second  war  with  England  did  not  prevent 
the  charteriDg  of  a  'pike  from  Dover  to  Succa- 
sunny.  Following  the  close  of  the  war  a  number 
of  roads  were  projected  and  built  in  Passaic  and 
Bergen  Counties.  In  1815  came  the  Hackensack 
and  Hoboken  and  the  Paterson  and  Hackensack, 
in  1816  a  'pike  from  the  Hudson  to  the  Hacken- 
sack and  Hoboken  road,  in  1825  a  road  from  Pater- 
son to  New  Prospect  and  New  Antrim,  and  in 
1828  one  from  Paterson  to  Little  Falls. 

Along  the  valley  of  the  upper  Delaware  there 
were  several  charters  secured  for  turnpike  privi- 
leges, but  little  active  work  was  done  upon  them. 
One  noticeable  road,  the  "Spruce  Run,"  was  pro- 
jected in  1813  from  Clinton  to  Sherard's  Mills, 
Sussex  County;  another  road  was  chartered  dur- 
ing the  same  year  from  Bayle's  Mills  and  White 
House  to  New  Germantown;  in  1814  the  charter 
for  a  'pike  from  Newton  to  Deckertown  was  se- 
cured; while  in  1817  a  road  from  Hamburg  to 
Goshen,  New  York,  was  sanctioned  by  the  Legis- 
lature. 

Broadly  it  may  be  said  that  from  1800  to  1828 
there  were  fifty-four  original  charters  secured  for 
turnpike  companieis  in  New  Jersey,  of  which  only 
one-half  conformed  to  the  terms  of  the  act  of  in- 
corporation. During  this  period  about  five  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  of  gravel  and  dirt  were  laid, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  173 

but  little  or  no  continuous  telford  or  macadam- 
ized road. 

Among  the  people  who  frequented  the  highways 
there  was  much  of  the  colonial  manner  and  spirit. 
There  could  be  found  old  men  who,  unmindful  of 
the  statute  in  the  case  made  and  provided, 
drove  to  the  left  in  passing  another  vehicle, 
men  of  quality  still  went  about  on  horseback, 
while  in  midsummer  clouds  of  dust  betrayed 
the  presence  of  sheep  or  cattle  on  the  hoof  being 
driven  to  market,  urged  by  the  barking  of  dogs 
and  the  "gads"  of  the  drovers.  Stage  coaches 
lumbered  along  the  highways,  the  great  steeds 
tugging  in  their  harness,  while  over  their  heads 
rolled  the  lurid  profanity  of  the  sun-burned  men 
upon  the  boxes.  Then  came  winter,  and  early 
spring,  with  wagons  hub-deep  in  mud  or  caught 
unprotected  in  the  drifting  snows.  But  there  was 
no  dearth  of  taverns,  with  their,  courtyards  alive 
with  arriving  and  departing  stages,  with  their 
spacious  bars  and  heavy  dinners,  with  their  light 
and  life  and  joy,  now  but  memories  and  traditions. 
But  few  of  the  sleeping  rooms  of  the  taverns  were 
warmed,  it  not  being  until  the  middle  of  the  cen- 
tury that  steam  heat  was  introduced  publicly  in 
New  Jersey,  and  then  in  one  building  where  the 
permanency  of  its  list  of  guests  made  such  a  com- 
fort necessary.  This  was  in  the  New  Jersey  State 
prison,  then,  by  reason  of  this  and  other  improve- 


174  NEW  JEHSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

ments,  called  the  "Rogue's  Palace."  But  the  so- 
journer, having  less  time  to  stay  in  New  Jersey, 
was  sent  to  a  cold  room,  and  put  into  bed  with  a 
copper  warming  pan  and  an  apple-brandy  toddy, 
"with"  or  "without,"  as  taste  and  the  extent  of 
the  pantry  might  dictate.  Stages  invariably 
started  at  unseemly  hours,  seldom  later  than  sun- 
rise, no  matter  whether  the  journey  was  five  or 
fifty  miles  in  length.  The  stages  and  their  horses 
were  not  uniformly  good,  the  men  would  talk  poli- 
tics and  discant  upon  the  "rising  glories  of  Amer- 
ica," the  old  women  would  "dip"  snuff  that  fell 
upon  the  gowns  of  the  young  ladies,  and  there 
was  discomfort  a-plenty  for  those  who  looked  at 
the  reality  rather  than  the  poetry  of  these  coach- 
ing days.  Nearly  every  man  went  armed,  the 
elderly  ones  with  sword  canes,  the  younger  ones 
with  pistols,  but  there  was  much  more  talk  than 
fight.  The  highwayman  had  practically  disap- 
peared, with  his  swashbuckling  and  occasional 
bravery,  and  his  place  had  been  taken  by  the  sec- 
ond-rate pickpocket,  who  hung  around  the  inns 
and  robbed  the  unwary,  or  forced  his  way  into 
ladies'  rooms  in  the  taverns.  Romance  was  pass- 
ing away,  leaving  a  few  courtly  old  men,  much 
rare  mahogany,  which  was  later  to  give  place  to 
crude,  painted  pine  abominatons,  and  a  spirit  of 
undying  opposition  to  England  and  everything 
English. 


CHAPTER    Xi 
Two  Famous  Canaj,s 


IN  a  dim  way,  probably  before  the  American 
Bevolution,  men  with  progressive  ideas 
foreshadowed  the  possibilities  of  an  inter- 
nal water  route  between  the  Delaware 
and  the  Raritan  Eivers.  That  sentiment 
was  drifting  toward  the  accomplishment  of  this 
end,  and  drifting  rapidly,  when  the  organization 
of  the  Federal  government  had  been  perfected,  is 
shown  by  a  suggestion  made  by  the  ponderous  but 
none  the  less  interesting  Wintherbotham  in  his 
"Historical,  Geographical,  Commercial,  and 
Philosophic  View  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica," of  which  the  first  American  edition  was 
printed  in  New  York  City  during  1796.  It  is  there- 
in claimed  that  the  Raritan  River  might  be  made 
"capable"  of  a  "very  steady"  lock  navigation  as 
high  as  the  junction  of  the  North  and  South 
Branches,  and  thence  up  the  south  branch  to 
Grandin's  Bridge  in  Kingwood.  Thence  to  the 
Delaware  by  turnpike  or  portage  was  but  ten 
miles.  Another  route  was  offered,  being  that  be- 
tween the  headwaters  of  the  Assanpink  Creek  and 
Millstone  River. 

But  when  capital  was  presented  with  the  esti- 
mates of  cost  it  stood  confounded  at  the  size  of 
the  project.  And  so  the  plan  awaited  the  coming 
of  the  years. 

Elsewhere  in  the  State  a  canal  project  had  at- 
tracted local  attention.    In  1800  mill-dam  proper- 


178  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

ties  on  the  South  Branch  of  the  Raritan  were  au- 
thorized to  improve  navigation  by  the  erection  of 
locks.  But  the  agitation  leading  to  the  construc- 
tion of  a  canal  to  unite  Philadelphia  and  New 
York  was  formulated  in  the  year  1804,  when,  by 
act  of  the  Legislature,  a  charter  was  granted  to  a 
number  of  friends  of  internal  improvement,  among 
whom  was  William  Paterson,  for  the  purpose  of 
opening  communication  by  water  from  the  river 
Raritan  at  or  near  New  Brunswick  to  the  tide- 
water of  the  river  Delaware  at  or  near  Lamber- 
ton — a  village  of  some  commercial  importance, 
then  in  the  County  of  Burlington,  but  now  a  part 
of  the  City  of  Trenton.  Incidentally  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  in  1S1G  Michael  Ortley  was  au- 
thorized to  cut  a  tidal  canal  through  Manasquan 
Beach.  The  Delaware  and  Raritan  Canal  had 
failed.  Interest  was  again  revived  in  1816,  when 
Thomas  P.  Johnson,  of  Princeton,  surveyed  a  route 
from  the  Delaware  to  the  Raritan  by  way  of 
Heathcote  and  Lawrence  Brooks.  The  revival 
of  business  after  the  panic  of  1817  led  the  State 
of  New  Jersey,  in  1823,  to  appoint  commissioners 
— George  Holcomb,  Judge  Lucius  Q.  C.  Elmer, 
and  Peter  Kean — to  locate  a  route  uniting  the 
Delaware  and  Raritan  Rivers,  and  to  report  upon 
the  probable  expense  and  revenue  incident  to  such 
a  project.  The  commissioners,  taking  a  somewhat 
socialistic  view  of  the  matter,  recommended  that 


ONY   AND  AS  A  STATE  179 

the  State  should  become  a  party  in  undertaking 
so  great  an  enterprise.  Upon  the  30  th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1826,  a  bill  passed  the  Legislature  incorporat- 
ing the  canal  company,  granting  thereby  equally 
exclusive  privileges  which  had  already  been  as- 
sured the  promoters  of  the  Morris  Canal.  No  rival 
could  construct  a  canal  or  railway  within  ten 
miles  of  any  point  upon  the  said  canal  or  its  feed- 
er, and  probably  for  the  first  time  "government 
by  injunction"  appears  in  New  Jersey  legislation 
in  the  provision  that  the  chancellor  could  "issue 
his  injunction  to  stay  and  prevent  the  erection 
and  construction"  of  any  such  opposing  canal  or 
railway.  Owing  to  the  inability  of  those  inter- 
ested in  obtaining  the  consent  of  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  for  the  use  of  the  waters  of  the 
Delaware  the  charter  became  a  nullity. 

Synchronous  with  the  passage  of  the  charter  of 
the  Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad  Company  was 
the  statute  authorizing  the  corporate  existence  of 
the  Delaware  and  Raritian  Canal  Company.  This 
act  of  February  4,  1830,  capitalized  the  company 
for  one  million  dollars,  with  right  of  increase  to 
one  million  five  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The 
par  value  of  the  shares  of  stock  was  placed  at  one 
hundred  dollars.  The  canal  was  to  be  fifty  feet 
wide  at  water  line,  five  feet  in  depth,  with  a  feeder 
somewhat  smaller  in  size.  No  rival  company 
could,  without  the  consent  of  the  new  company, 


180  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

construct  a  canal  within  five  miles  of  any  point 
upon  this  artificial  waterway.  The  rates  for 
freight  were  fixed  at  five  cents  per  ton 
per  mile.  For  each  passenger  the  State 
was  to  receive  a  transit  duty  of  eight  cents, 
and  the  like  amount  on  each  ton  of  freight  trans- 
ported through  the  canal.  In  the  case  of  rough 
freights,  such  as  coal,  lumber,  ashes,  and  the  like, 
the  transit  duty  was  two  cents  per  ton.  The 
State  reserved  the  right  to  purchase  the  canal  at 
a  fair  appraisement  thirty  years  after  its  comple- 
tion. Upon  February  3,  1831,  the  time  of  State 
purchase  was  extended  to  fifty  years,  the  canal  to 
be  made  seventy-five  feet  wide  at  water  line,  seven 
feet  deep,  with  locks  one  hundred  feet  long  and 
twenty-four  feet  wide.  With  the  creation  of  the 
joint  companies,  the  consolidation  of  the  Camden 
and  Amboy  Railroad  and  Transportation  Com- 
pany and  the  Delaware  and  Raritan  Canal,  under 
the  so-called  "  Marriage  Act "  of  February  15, 
1831,  all  the  rights,  privileges,  and  franchises  of 
the  two  corporations  became  identical. 

The  need  of  funds  immediately  became  evident, 
and  it  was  due  to  the  energy  of  Commodore  Rob- 
ert F.  Stockton,  according  to  the  relation  of  the 
story  by  J.  Elfreth  Watkins,  Sr.,  that  money  was 
secured.  In  1823  Commodore  Stockton  had  been 
detailed  to  survey  southern  waters,  and  while  in 
Charleston,    South    Carolina,    met    and    married 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  181 

Maria  Potter,  daughter  of  John  Potter,  a  man  of 
large  wealth.  Removing  his  family  to  Prince- 
ton, in  1826,  Commodore  Stockton  induced  his 
father-in-law  to  invest  a  half  million  dollars  in 
the  speculation,  the  money  having  fortunately 
been  withdrawn  from  the  United  States  Bank, 
the  failure  of  which  afterward  wrecked  so  many 
fortunes. 

Before  the  close  of  the  month  of  February,  1830,  tffaswuzd 
the  State  commissioners — James  Parker,  James 
Neilson,  John  Potter,  William  Halsted,  and  Gar- 
ret D.  Wall — met  to  provide  points  at  which  stock 
subscription  books  should  be  open.  Trenton, 
Princeton,  and  New  Brunswick  having  been  se- 
lected, the  stockholders  organized  in  Trenton  upon 
the  10th  of  May,  1830.  Robert  F.  Stockton,  of 
Princeton,  was  chosen  president;  John  R.  Thom- 
son, of  Princeton,  secretary;  James  Neilson,  of 
New  Brunswick,  treasurer,  with  a,  board  of  direc- 
tors consisting  of  James  Parker,  of  Perth  Amboy; 
William  Halsted,  of  Trenton;  Garret  D.  Wall  and 
Joseph  Mcllvaine,  of  Burlington  City;  and  James 
S.  Green,  of  Princeton.  The  chief  engineer  was 
Canvass  White,  famed  for  his  work  upon  the  Erie 
Canal,  assisted  by  J.  Hulmstead,  Ashbel  Welch, 
and  Edwin  Douglass.  The  surveyors  worked 
through  the  summer  of  1830,  also  laying  out  a 
plan  for  a  railroad  from  the  Raritan  River  to  the 
mouth  of  Heathcote  Brook,  and  thence  paralleling 


lames  Parker,  b.  Bethlehem.  Hunterdon  County, 
N.  J..  March  3,  1776;  son  of  James,  member  of  the 
colonial  board  of  proprietors;  grad.  Columbia  Col- 
lege 1791 ;  member  Legislature  1806-28  ;  commluolonor 
to  fix  New  York-New  Jersey  boundary  line  1827 -29 ; 
collector  of  the  port  of  Perth  Amboy  1829-30;  elected 
to  Congress  1832  and  1834 ;  delegate  to  State  constitu- 
tional convention  1844;  president  New  Jersey  Hla- 
torleal  Sooiety  1864-68;  author  of  the  law  ending 
local  slave  trade;  donor  of  site  of  Rutgers  College; 
4.  Perth  Amboy.  N.  J.,  April  1.  IS68. 


182 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


THB  COLDBN    Mtlfl 


the  canal  route  to  the  Delaware  River.  It  was 
estimated  that  the  canal  would  cost  about  $1,175,- 
000  and  the  railroad  about  $275,000.  Steps  were 
taken  to  present  a  memorial  to  the  Legislature 
asking  for  railroad  privileges. 

The  canal  was  completed  during  the  year  1834, 
and  with  its  feeder  was  sixty-five  and  a  half  miles 
in  length,  the  main  stem  of  the  canal,  from  Bor- 
dentown  to  New  Brunswick,  passing  through 
Trenton,  Princeton,  Kingston,  Rocky  Hill,  Griggs- 
town,  Millstone,  Somerville,  and  Bound  Brook,  the 
highest  elevation  being  the  lock  at  Trenton,  which 
is  fifty-eight  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  In 
the  report  of  the  directors  of  the  joint  companies 
made  to  the  Legislature  in  the  year  1840  it  is 
stated  that  the  total  cost  of  the  canal  had  been 
12,830,000. 

To  the  enterprise  and  enthusiasm  of  George 
P.  MacCulloch,  of  Morristown,  the  State  of  New 
Jersey  owes  the  inception  of  the  Morris  Canal, 
and  to  the  zeal  and  energy  of  Cadwallader  D.  Col- 
den,  first  president  of  the  Morris  Canal  and  Bank- 
ing Company,  its  completion.  Bold  in  its  design, 
its  demand  upon  the  engineering  skill  of  the  day 
was  far  greater  than  that  made  by  the  Delaware 
and  Raritan  Company,  and  while  it  played  no-  im- 
portant part  in  the  turmoil  of  State  politics  its 
generally  unfortunate  financial  history  is  at  least 
equally  interesting. 


^cJhj^oMoJU^  £lQI&*' 


ONY   AND  AS  A  STATE  183 

While  upon  a  fishing  party,  at  Lake  Hopatcong, 
Mr.  MacCulloch  conceived  a  plan  for  uniting  the 
waters  of  the  Upper  Delaware  and  the  sea,  but  by 
a  far  diiferent  route  than  that  designed  extending 
along  the  lowlands  of  Central  New  Jersey.  In 
brief,  his  plan  was  to  erect  a  dam  across  the  out- 
let of  Lake  Hopatcong,  the  source  of  the  Mus- 
conetcong  Eiver,  double  the  volume  of  water  in 
the  lake,  lead  the  waters  to  the  Rockaway  River 
upon  the  east  and  to  any  practical  route  to  Easton 
upon  the  west,  and  give  an  outlet  to  market  for 
the  mineral  wealth  of  the  region. 

By  1820,  owing  to  the  cost  of  transportation  of 
manufactured  products  and  the  scarcity  of  fuel, 
eighty-one  iron  forges  of  the  Counties  of  Morris 
and  Warren  within  a  few  years  had  decreased  to 
fifty,  while  of  twelve  furnaces  but  three  re- 
mained. 

The  Legislature  of  New  Jersey,  upon  November 
15, 1822,  appointed  George  P.  MacCulloch,  Charles 
Kinsey,  and  Thomas  Capner  commissioners  to  in- 
quire into  the  matters  of  surveying  a  route  for  the 
canal  and  the  cost  of  construction.  Major  Eph- 
raim  Beach  selected  the  route  for  the  great  water- 
way, and  it  was  upon  December  31,  1821,  that  the 
Morris  Canal  and  Banking  Company  was  char- 
tered to  build  a  canal  from  the  Delaware  River 
near  Easton  to  Newark,  and  in  1828  was  author- 
ized to  extend  the  canal  to  the  Hudson  River.    The 


184  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

authorized  capital  was  one  million  five  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  while  in  banking  operations  the 
sum  of  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  could  be  em- 
ployed for  every  like  sum  expended  on  the  canal. 
In  1829  the  corporation  was  authorized  to  borrow 
money  and  issue  bonds. 

Under  the  plans  of  the  engineers  the  canal  was 
thirty-two  feet  in  width  at  the  waterline,  twenty 
feet  wide  at  the  bottom,  and  four  feet  deep,  with 
locks  seventy-five  feet  long  and  nine  feet  wide. 
This  admitted  the  passage  of  no  boats  of  over 
twenty-five  tons  burden.  In  the  canal  throughout 
its  length  of  one  hundred  and  one  miles  from 
Phillipsburg  to  Jersey  City  there  were  two  divi- 
sions. The  actual  route  lay  from  tide  at  Jersey 
City,  thence  across  a  narrow  neck  of  land  and 
Newark  Bay  to  Newark,  and  ascended  the  hills 
to  Bloomfield,  Paterson,  Little  Falls,  Boon- 
ton,  Rockaway,  Dover,  and  Summit,  which 
was  nine  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea. 
Throughout  this  distance  there  were  twelve  in- 
clined planes,  an  interesting  system  suggested  by 
Professor  James  Renwick,  of  Columbia  College, 
raising  boats  seven  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  and 
seventeen  locks  performing  a  like  service  for  one 
hundred  and  seventy  feet.  From  Summit  the  ca- 
nal ran  along  the  valleys  of  the  Musconetcong 
and  the  Pohatcong  by  Great  Meadow  and  Hack- 
ettstown  to  Phillipsburg.     In  the  western  divi- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  185 

sion  there  were  eleven  planes,  overcoming  six  hun- 
dred and  ninety  feet  in  elevation,  and  seven  locks, 
which  obviated  seventy  feet  of  ascent  or  descent. 

But  from  the  first  the  canal  company  contended 
with  overwhelming  difficulties.  It  was  too  small 
for  the  tonnage  of  its  boats,  which  difficulty  was 
partially  corrected  by  1844.  Then  the  boats  in- 
jured the  machinery  of  the  inclined  planes,  while 
by  adroit  manipulation  the  Lehigh  anthracite 
coal  trade,  upon  which  the  projectors  of  the  Mor- 
ris Canal  Company  had  counted,  was  diverted  to 
the  Delaware  and  Raritan  Canal  Company. 

While  for  many  years  the  Morris  Canal  was  of 
great  benefit  in  upbuilding  the  region  through 
which  it  passed,  it  was  not  a  successful  venture 
and  became  deeply  involved  in  debt.  Under  the 
provisions  of  the  original  charter,  as  an  induce- 
ment to  capital  to  engage  in  so  hazardous  an  en- 
terprise, the  State  exempted  the  canal  and  its 
property  from  all  taxes,  reserving  the  right  to  take 
to  itself  the  canal  and  its  appurtenances  in  the 
year  1923,  paying  to  the  company  the  fair  value 
thereof,  to  be  estimated  by  commissioners.  If  the 
State  does  not  elect  to  buy  the  property  in  1923 
the  canal  charter  continues  until  1973,  at  which 
time  the  charter  ceases  and  the  canal  will  become 
the  property  of  the  State. 

The  later  history  of  New  Jersey  is  practically 
barren  of  attempts  to  incorporate  additional  canal 


186  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

companies,  although  during  this  period  of  indus- 
trial activity  and  subsequent  to  the  panic  of  1837 
many  companies  to  develop  water  power  received 
charters,  some  of  which  are  still  in  existence.  To 
this  end  the  Delaware  River  was  and  ever  has 
been  an  attractive  base  for  prospective  oper- 
ations. 


CHAPTER   XII 
THK  Eably  Railroads 


F  THE  many  contests,  industrial,  re- 
ligious, and  political,  of  which  New 
Jersey  has  been  the  scene  no  one 
struggle  for  supremacy  was  waged 
with  greater  bitterness  than  the 
fight  for  existence  between  the  advocates  of  a 
railroad  connecting  New  York  and  Philadelphia 
and  the  proprietors  of  the  stage-coach  lines,  who 
then  controlled  the  transportation  of  freight  and 
passengers  across  the  State. 

With  the  advancement  of  the  plan  for  a  railroad 
there  was  a  vigorous  cry  of  "monopoly,"  a  cry  by 
no  means  unusual,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  no 
greater  monopoly  ever  existed  than  that  exercised 
by  the  stage-coach  proprietors.  As  late  as  1831 
the  rate  of  stage-coach  fare  between  Philadelphia 
and  New  York  was  six  dollars,  the  time  occupied 
in  the  journey  being  an  entire  day.  By  control  of 
the  inns  and  taverns  on  the  route,  and  a  system 
of  practically  compulsory  "tips"  for  employe's, 
to  which  must  be  added  many  discomforts,  the 
travelling  public  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  stage 
lines,  except  the  few  voyagers  who  "snubbed" 
across  New  Jersey  by  way  of  the  canal. 

Under  these  conditions  the  Camden  and  Am- 
boy  Railroad  came  into  being. 

In  the  contention  that  the  Camden  and  Amboy 
Railroad  was  a  "monopoly"  there  was  nothing 
new.    As  early  as  1707  the  Assembly  complained 


190  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

"that  patents  had  been  granted  to  one  Dellman 
to  transport  goods  on  the  road  from  Amboy  to 
Burlington  for  a  number  of  years  to  the  exclusion 
of  others,"  and  that  such  executive  action  was 
"  destructive  to  that  freedom  which  trade  and 
commerce  ought  to  have."  To  this  Governor 
Cornbury  replied  that,  by  reason  of  the  monopoly, 
goods  could  be  sent  across  New  Jersey  once  dur- 
ing a  fortnight  "  without  danger  of  imposition," 
for  that  alone  by  means  of  Dellman's  stage  wag- 
on a  trade  had  been  carried  on  between  Philadel- 
phia, Burlington,  Amboy,  and  New  York  "which 
was  never  known  before,  and  which,  in  all  proba- 
bility, never  would  have  been."  When  came  the 
later  stage-boat  lines,  those  under  the  manage- 
ment of  the  Bordens,  Richardson,  and  O'Bryant, 
the  ferries  of  the  Inians,  Billops,  and  Redfords 
in  East  Jersey,  there  was  still  the  complaint  of 
monopoly,  excessive  rates,  and  poor  service. 

By  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
roads  of  New  Jersey  between  Philadelphia  and 
New  York  were  but  little  improved  beyond  the 
deplorable  condition  which  Governor  Franklin 
criticised  in  1768,  when  he  said  that  these  high- 
ways were  "  seldom  passable  without  danger  and 
difficulty."  But  with  the  agitation  concerning  in- 
ternal improvements  which  marked  the  advent  of 
Jefferson's  administration  no  less  han  nine  turn- 
pikes were  chartered  by  the  Legislature  on  the 


ONY  AftD  AS  A  STATE  191 

route  from  Philadelphia  to  New  York.  These 
were  the  Hackensack  and  Hoboken,  1802;  the 
Trenton  and  New  Brunswick,  1804,  with  its  annex, 
the  bridge  over  the  Delaware;  the  Jersey  City  and 
Hackensack,  1801;  the  Essex  and  Middlesex  from 
New  Brunswick  to  Newark,  1806;  a  continuation 
of  the  Trenton  and  New  Brunswick  turnpike  from 
Princeton  to  Kingston,  1807;  the  Woodbridge  and 
Rah  way,  1808;  and  a  branch  of  the  Trenton  and 
New  Brunswick  from  Burlington  through  Borden- 
town  to  Trenton,  1808.  It  was  not,  however,  un- 
til 1816  that  the  famous  Bordentown  and  South 
Amboy  turnpike  was  constructed. 

It  was  with  a  great  degree  of  justice  that  J.  El- 
freth  Watkins,  Sr.,  of  Washington,  D.  C,  in  his 
admirable  monograph  dealing  with  the  origin  and 
early  history  of  the  Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad, 
attributes  the  progress  of  steam  transportation  on 
the  soil  and  waters  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey  to 
the  efforts  of  John  Stevens.  In  that  long  life  be- 
tween 1749  and  1838  this  inventor-statesman  saw 
New  Jersey  emerge  from  the  horrors  of  the  French 
and  Indian  War,  witnessed,  as  treasurer  of  New 
Jersey  during  the  Revolution,  the  political  birth 
of  a  nation,  and  helped,  more  than  any  other  man, 
to  lay  the  foundations  of  that  system  of  transpor- 
tation which  has  made  the  State  the  terminus  in 
whole  or  in  part  of  every  great  trunk  line  or  its  al- 
lied interests  in  the  republic.    Ceaselessly  active, 


192 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


he  devoted  the  ninety  years  of  his  life  to  the  com- 
mon good,  as  an  experimentalist  and  inventor, 
giving  to  the  improvement  of  steam  navigation  a 
large  proportion  of  that  great  wealth  which  he 
had  inherited  and  increased. 

There  hangs  in  the  section  of  transportation 
and  engineering  in  the  United  States  National 
Museum  in  Washington  a  medallion  portrait  of 
John  Stevens,  and  beneath  it  an  inscription.  This 
is  but  a  small  part  of  the  record  of  so  useful  a 
life,  but  from  it  there  may  be  learned  that  John 
Stevens,  as  a  petitioner,  was  the  father  of  the 
patent  law  of  1790,  that  he,  in  1792,  took  out  pa- 
tents for  propelling  vessels  by  steam  pumps,  modi- 
fied from  Savary's  plans,  and  that  in  his  experi- 
ments on  different  modes  of  propulsion  by  steam 
he  had  as  his  associates  Brunei,  constructor  of  the 
Thames  Tunnel  connecting  London  with  the  Sur- 
rey shore;  Chancellor  of  the  State  of  New  York 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  whose  sister  Stevens  mar- 
ried; and  Nicholas  I.  Roosevelt,  of  the  patroon 
family  of  which  President  Theodore  Roosevelt  is 
a  member.  From  these  experiments,  in  1798,  John 
Stevens  made  a  steamboat  that  navigated  the 
Hudson.  In  1804  he  made  his  first  application  of 
steam  to  the  four-bladed  screw  propeller,  which 
has  survived  many  forms  and  which  was  not  com- 
mercially successful  until  1840.  His  multi-tubu- 
lar boiler  appeared  in  1803,  and  the  first  steam 


'W?4f'K 


Robert  R.  Livingston,  LL.D.,  first  chancellor  ot 
New  York  1777-1801 ;  b.  New  York  City,  Nov.  27,  17« ; 
d.  Clermont,  N.  Y.,  Feb.  26,  1813 ;  lawyer  1773 ;  dele- 
gate to  Continental  Congress  1775  and  one  of  five  to 
draft  the  Declaration  of  Independence ;  administered 
the  oath  of  President  to  Washington ;  secretary  of 
foreign  affairs  1781-83;  called  by  Franklin  the 
"  Cicero  of  America." 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  193 

ferry  in  the  world,  that  between  New  York  and 
Hoboken,  was  opened  October  11,  1811,  with  the 
trip  of  the  "  Juliana." 

Turning  his  attention  during  the  second  war 
with  England  to  the  possibilities  of  steam  trans- 
portation upon  land,  he  urged  the  construction  of 
a  steam  road  instead  of  the  Erie  Canal,  and  paved 
the  way  for  the  building  qf  those  local  railroads 
which  were  subsequently  united  in  the  New  York 
Central  Railroad  system.  Later,  in  1823,  with 
Horace  Binney  and  Stephen  Girard,  John  Stevens 
obtained  a  charter  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
for  a  railroad  from  Lancaster  to  Philadelphia,  on 
the  line  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  and  in  1826 
he  built  the  first  locomotive  having  a  tubular 
boiler  which  ran  upon  any  railroad  in  America. 
This  locomotive  carried  six  people  at  a  speed  of 
over  twelve  miles  an  hour,  and  was  operated  upon 
a  circular  track  within  the  limits  of  his  estate  in 
Hoboken. 

The  immediate  predecessor  of  the  Camden  and 
Amboy  Railroad  was  the  Union  Line  of  wagons 
and  stages,  which  enjoyed  a  monopoly  of  the  trade 
between  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  As  early 
as  1808  the  "  Phoenix,"  which  was,  according  to 
Mr.  Watkins's  narrative,  "  the  first  steam  driven 
craft  to  venture  out  to  sea,"  was  designed  by  John 
Stevens,  built  by  Robert  L.  Stevens,  and  was  taken 
to  Philadelphia  from  Hoboken  by  the  Sandy  Hook- 


194 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


Cape  May  route.  The  "  Phoenix  "  became  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Union  Line,  whose  route  of  one  hun- 
dred and  one  miles  between  Philadelphia  and  New 
York  was  divided  into  three  sections — by  steam- 
boat from  Philadelphia  to  Trenton,  by  wagon 
or  stage  upon  the  Trenton-New  Brunswick  turn- 
pike, and  thence  by  the  Raritan  and  the  waters 
bounding  Staten  Island  on  the  west  to  New  York. 
The  trip  occupied  from  noon  of  one  day  until  the 
morning  of  the  next,  and  was  both  tedious  and  ex- 
pensive. 

It  was  given  to  John  Stevens  to  look  far  into 
the  future,  to  see  that  even  the  steamboat  and  the 
canal  projects  in  Europe  were  to  be  supplanted. 
As  early  as  1812  Stevens  had  published  his 
"  Documents  Tending  to  Prove  the  Superior  Ad- 
vantages of  Railways  and  Steam  Carriages  Over 
Canal  Navigation,'"  but  even  his  valid  reasoning, 
his  logical  conclusions,  based  upon  a  wealth  of 
facts  and  figures,  failed  to  convince  capitalists 
that  railroads  were  more  beneficial  than  canals, 
and  that  as  investments  they  might  become  rea- 
sonably popular. 

In  the  meantime  the  growing  commercial  im- 
portance of  England,  and  the  congestion  of  her 
population  in  the  manufacturing  centers,  had  de- 
veloped railroad  construction  to  a  degree  that  at- 
tracted the  attention  of  the  civilized  world. 
Among  those  who  went  abroad  for  a  personal 


John  and  grandson  o£  J 


■' 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  195 

study  of  English  railroads  was  William  Strick- 
land, a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  for 
Internal  Improvement,  and  it  was  the  facts 
presented  in  this  report,  and  the  personal  enthusi- 
asm of  John  Stevens  and  his  friends,  that  led  to 
the  first  public  railroad  meeting  ever  held  in  the 
commonwealth.  Upon  the  14th  of  January,  1828, 
"  a  large  and  respectable  meeting  of  the  citizens 
of  New  Jersey  friendly  to  the  proposed  railway 
from  Camden  to  Amboy"  occupied  the  court  house 
in  Mount  Holly.  Of  this  assemblage  John  Black 
was  president,  John  Dobbins  vice-president,  and 
Charles  Stokes  and  James  Newbold  secretaries. 
A  committee  appointed  to  draft  resolutions  ex- 
pressive of  the  sense  of  the  meeting  reported  that 
the  members  were  deeply  impressed  with  the  im- 
portance of  internal  communication,  and  recom- 
mended the  extension  of  the  policy  throughout 
the  Atlantic  States,  that  New  Jersey  should  sus- 
tain a  line  of  communication  between  New  York 
and  Philadelphia,  and  that  the  application  to  the 
Legislature  for  the  railroad  is  highly  approved, 
not  only  as  a  local  project,  but  as  one  of  the 
most  important  links  in  the  great  chain  of  "  in- 
ternal intercourse."  A  general  committee  to  urge 
the  matter  before  the  House  of  Assembly  and 
Council,  and  committees  from  Gloucester  and  Bur- 
lington Counties  to  secure  signatures  upon  a  leg- 
islative  memorial,   were   selected.    This  meeting 


}96  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

was  followed  by  others  at  Burlington,  Borden- 
town,  Princeton,  and  Trenton,  as  well  as  in  other- 
portions  of  the  State,  upon  which  occasions  sim- 
ilar sentiments  were  expressed,  wrhile  the  Legis- 
lature received  memorials  in  1828-29  and  in  1829- 
30  upon  this  subject. 

But  the  friends  of  the  canal  interests  were  by 
no  means  inactive.  The  Union  Line  had  identified 
its  powerful  interests  with  those  of  the  projected 
railroad  as  against  the  canal  scheme,  which  had 
been  taken  up  by  the  People's  Line  and  lesser 
rivals  of  the  Union  Line.  The  State  was  filled 
with  talk  of  "  monopoly,"  of  the  injury  that  would 
come  to  stage  drivers,  tavern  keepers,  and  road 
gangs,  of  the  political  dangers  that  a  railroad 
charter  presented,  and,  above  all,  that  the 
railroad  itself  was  destructive  to  life  and 
limb,  brought  undesirable  elements  to  the  State, 
endangering  public  morals,  and  was  in  every  way 
objectionable.  Then  appeared  in  the  legislative 
session  of  1829-30  the  first  "  lobby,"  recognized  as 
such,  when  the  friends  of  the  railroad  and  the 
canal  found  it  necessary,  as  in  the  latter  sixties 
and  early  seventies,  when  the  "  monopoly "  agi- 
tation again  appeared,  to  go  armed  about  the 
streets  of  Trenton. 

But  in  January,  1830,  a  compromise  was  ef- 
fected. From  negotiations  completed  between 
the  principals  of  the  warring  interests  charters 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


197 


were  granted  the  Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad 
and  Transportation  Company  and  the  Delaware 
and  Raritan  Canal  Company.  The  separate  legis- 
lation was  passed  upon  the  4th  of  February,  1830. 
On  the  28  th  of  April,  1830,  the  organization  of  the 
Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad  was  affected,  in 
Camden,  by  the  election  of  Robert  L.  Stevens,  of 
Hoboken,  president;  Edwin  A.  Stevens,  of  Hobo- 
ken,  treasurer;  Jeremiah  H.  Sloan,  of  Camden, 
secretary;  and  a  board  of  directors  consisting  of 
Abraham  Brown,  of  Mount  Holly;  William  Mc- 
Knight,  of  Bordentown;  Yvrilliam  I.  Watson,  of 
Philadelphia,  and  Benjamin  Fish,  of  Trenton. 

Under  the  provisions  of  the  Camden  and  Am- 
boy Company's  charter  the  capital  stock  author- 
ized was  one  million  dollars,  divided  into  shares 
of  one  hundred  dollars  each,  with  the  privilege  of 
increase  to  one  million  five  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars. The  Legislature  reserved  the  right  to  sub- 
scribe to  one-quarter  of  the  stock.  The  designated 
terminals  were  indefinite.  On  the  south  the  road 
was  to  commence  at  some  point  between  "  Coop- 
er's and  Newton's  Creeks,"  and  on  the  north  to 
end  at  "  some  point  on  the  Raritan  Bay." 

There  first  appeared  in  the  charter  that  provi- 
sion against  which  all  subsequent  attacks  of  thi^ 
"  anti-monopolists  "  were  directed.     In  lieu  ut  sl\1< 
taxes  the  new  railroad  company  agreed  to  pay  a 
transit  duiy  of  ten  cents  for  each  passenger 


ot*toert  UinagMtou  Ate»ea»,  son  of  Jotiu ;  *.  Oct.  18, 
1787 ;  originated  the  present  form  of  ferryboat  and 
'arryailps  1821 ;  buttt  the  celebrated  Stevens  floating 
ftstftary ;  1   r-robokea.  A»ril  W,  1856. 


<&&- 


198  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

fifteen  cents  a  ton  for  all  merchandise  transported. 
These  transit  duties  were  to  cease  in  case  the 
Legislature  authorized  the  construction  "  of  any 
other  road  to  transport  passengers  from  Philadel- 
phia to  New  York  to  terminate  within  three  miles 
of  the  commencement  or  termination  of  this  road." 
This  protection  was  made  absolute  upon  March 
15,  1832,  when  the  Legislature  in  an  amendment 
to  the  statute  provided  that  during  the  life  of  the 
charter — the  State  having  reserved  the  right  to 
purchase  the  road  at  the  end  of  thirty  years — it 
should  be  unlawful  to  construct  any  railroad  be- 
tween Philadelphia  and  New  York  without  the 
consent  of  the  companies. 

Throughout  the  spring  and  summer  of  1830  sur- 
veys were  made  under  the  direction  of  Major  John 
Wilson,  of  the  United  States  army,  assisted  by 
Lieutenant  William  Cook,  having  charge  of  the 
section  from  South  Amboy  to  Bordentown,  and 
John  Edgar  Thompson,  afterward  president  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Eailroad  Company,  in  charge 
from  Bordentown  to  Camden. 

With  the  completion  of  the  surveys  for  the  Cam- 
den and  Amboy  Eailroad  Bobert  L.  Stevens 
started  upon  a  mission  to  England,  under  instruc- 
tions to  order  a  locomotive  and  rails  for  the  new 
road.  Fortunately  for  the  cause  of  transportation 
the  long  voyage  gave  Stevens  an  opportunity  to 
exercise  his  talents  as  an  inventor.    While  upon 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  199 

the  ship  he  either  produced  or  perfected  the 
American  or  Stevens  rail,  adding  a  base  to  the 
"  T  "  rail,,  and  dispensing  with  the  chair  then  in 
use.  To  this  he  added  the  "  hook  headed  "  spike, 
the  "  iron  tongue,"  known  in  its  present  form  as 
the  "fish  bar,"  and  the  rivets  (now  bolts  and 
nuts),  necessary  to  complete  the  joints.  After- 
many  failures  the  Guest  Iron  Works  at  Dowlais, 
Wales,  succeeded  in  making  a  rail  sixteen  feet  in 
length  and  weighing  about  forty  pounds  to  the 
yard.  Between  May,  1831,  and  October,  1832, 
there  were  twenty-three  shipments  of  rails  to  New 
Jersey,  the  first  arriving  on  the  ship  "  Charle- 
magne," and  laid  on  the  piece  of  track  near  Bor- 
dentown  in  August,  1831.  At  this  spot,  upon  No- 
vember 12,  1891,  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Com- 
pany erected  a  handsome  monument,  properly  in- 
scribed, commemorating  the  sixtieth  anniversary 
of  the  first  movement  by  steam  upon  a  railway 
in  the  State  of  New  Jersey. 

The  village  of  Bordentown,  upon  a  sultry  day 
in  the  middle  of  August,  1831,  was  all  excitement, 
for  there  stood  upon  the  wharf,  surrounded  by  a 
crowd  of  the  curious,  the  locomotive  "  John  Bull  " 
or  "  No.  1,"  which  had  been  recently  completed  at 
the  English  works  of  Stephenson  and  Company. 
To  Isaac  Dripps,  later  master  mechanic  of 
the  Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad,  whose 
technical    education     had    been    a  quired     with 


200 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


the  Stevenses  in  their  experiments  with 
steamboats  on  the  Delaware  and  the  Hud- 
son, was  assigned  the  duty  of  assembling 
the  parts  of  the  "John  Bull."  Without  di- 
rections or  drawings,  Bripps,  who  had  never  seen 
a  locomotive,  prepared  the  engine,  weighing  ten 
tons,  for  track  work..  A  tender  was  made  from  a 
converted  four-wheel  flat  car,  used  by  the  contract- 
ors, the  tank  being  a  large  whiskey  barrel,  and  the 
supply  of  water  conveyed  to  the  boiler  by  short 
sections  of  shoe  leather  hose  made  by  a  Borden- 
town  shoemaker.  After  a  preliminary  test  the 
locomotive  was  given  a  public  trial  upon  the  12th 
of  November,  1831,  in  the  presence  of  the  members 
of  the  Legislature  and  invited  guests  of  prom- 
inence. Attached  to  the  locomotive .  were  two 
four-wheeled  coaches,  built  to  be  drawn  by  horses 
if  need  should  arise.  These  coaches  were  practi- 
cally carriage  bodies,  three  doors  to  a  side,  with 
the  seats  facing  each  other,  and  built  upon  Eng- 
lish models  by  the  Greens  of  Hoboken.  The  first 
woman  to  ride  upon  the  train  was  Madam  Murat, 
a  Bordentown  girl,  wife  of  Prince  Murat  and 
niece  by  marriage  to  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 

The  advent  of  the  "  John  Bull "  led  to  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  Camden  and  Amboy  shops  at 
Hoboken,  where  in  1832-33  there  were  three  loco- 
motives built,  while  in  1832  from  these  models 
Matthias  Baldwin,  in  Philadelphia,  constructed 


THE   STEVENS  FLOATING  BATTERY. 
(Bullt  bj"  I:  Ironclad  boat  *rer  projected 


THE  VAN   WAGONER   HOMESTEAD   AT   PASSAIC. 
(Erected  in  1778.) 


GREAT    FALLS    AT    FATEKSON. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  201 

the  "  Ironsides  "  for  the  Philadelphia  and  Norris- 
town  Railroad  Company,  now  a  part  of  the  Phila- 
delphia and  Reading  system,  and  thus  established 
the  Baldwin  Locomotive  Works  in  Philadelphia. 
While  the  road  was  being  completed  from  Am- 
boy  to  Camden,  and  the  engineers  were  contend- 
ing with  problems  at  the  "  deep  cut "  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Raritan,  horses  were  used  to  convey 
freight  and  passengers..  A  section  from  Borden- 
town  to  Hightstown  was  finished  on  September 
19, 1832,  and  on  December  17  of  the  same  year  the 
line  was  completed  to  South  Amboy.  Three 
freight  cars,  with  a  capacity  of  six  or  seven  thou- 
sand pounds  each,  were  put  in  service  on  January 
24,  1833,  the  goods  being  conveyed  from  Borden- 
town  to  Camden  by  wagon  road.  In  the  meantime 
the  railroad  company  had  acquired  control  of  all 
steamboat  lines  upon  the  Delaware  and  from 
New  York  to  the  Amboys.  As  late  as  the  summer 
of  1833  relays  of  horses,  "  driven  continuously  on 
the  run,"  took  passengers  from  Bordentown  to  the 
Raritan,  the  trip  of  thirty-four  miles  requiring 
two  and  a  half  hours.  Early  in  September,  1833, 
the  "  John  Bull  "  began  service,  leaving  Borden- 
town at  seven  in  the  morning  and  returning  at 
four  in  the  afternoon.  The  late  fall  and  winter  of 
1833  found  the  road  opened  from  Bordentown  to  a 
point  south  of  Rancocas  Creek,  and  in  January, 
1834,  the  road  was  completed  to  Camden,  and  the 


202  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

single  track  system  of  sixty-one  miles  was  opened 
for  continuous  travel  between  New  York  and 
Philadelphia. 

The  inauguration  of  the  Camden  and  Amboy 
Railroad  and  the  success  of  the  plan,  its  stock  sell- 
ing for  $  134  in  July,  1835,  had  led  to  the  presence 
of  rival  corporations.  Securing  a  charter  from 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania  upon  the  23d  of  Febru- 
ary, 1832,  the  Philadelphia  and  Trenton  Railroad 
Company  had  constructed  a  line  in  1833  from  Mor- 
risville,  opposite  Trenton,  to  Bristol,  which  in  1835 
had  been  extended  to  Kensington,  now  the  great 
shipbuilding  center  of  Philadelphia.  This  cor- 
poration had  also  secured  a  majority  of  the  stock 
of  the  Trenton  Bridge  Company  and  the  Trenton 
and  New  Brunswick  Turnpike  Company.  Upon 
March  7, 1832,  the  New  Jersey  Railroad  was  char- 
tered to  construct  a  railroad  from  Jersey  City  to 
New  Brunswick  through  Newark,  Elizabeth,  Rail- 
way, and  Woodbridge,  with  a  capitalization  of 
seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  The  line 
had  been  completed  to  Elizabeth  in  1834,  and  had 
practically  reached  New  Brunswick  late  in  1835. 
To  remove  all  opposition,  particularly  as  the  Tren- 
ton and  Philadelphia  corporation  claimed  that  it 
could  lay  tracks  on  the  wagon  road  under  the 
terms  of  the  charter  of  the  Trenton  and  New 
Brunswick  Turnpike  Company,  the  joint  compa- 
nies acquired  a  controlling  interest  in  the  stock 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


203 


of  the  Philadelphia  and  Trenton  Company,  with 
its  allied  corporations,  the  Delaware  Bridge  Com- 
pany, and  the  Trenton  and  New  Brunswick  Turn- 
pike Company.  On  September  26  the  Camden  and 
Amboy  Company  entered  into  a  "  traffic  agree- 
ment "  with  the  New  Jersey  Railroad  Company 
that  "  the  price  for  passage  from  New  York  to 
Philadelphia  shall  be  four  dollars  for  day  passen- 
gers and  five  dollars  for  night  passengers,  the  re- 
ceipts to  be  divided  in  pro  rata  proportion  as  to 
the  length  of  the  respective  railroads  used  in  this 
transportation,  the  fare  from  Philadelphia  to  New 
York,  by  way  of  Bordentown  and  Amboy,  to  re- 
main three  dollars  for  each  regular  passenger  and 
two  dollars  for  forward  passengers."  The  Phila- 
delphia and  Trenton  Railroad  also  agreed  to  build 
a  railroad  from  Bordentown  to  New  Brunswick, 
the  line  projected  to  follow  the  canal  as  far  as 
Kingston  and  thence  across  country  to  New 
Brunswick.  In  spite  of  the  disaster  attending  the 
panic  of  1837,  and  the  failure  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  to  meet  guaranteed  sterling  bills  of 
exchange  on  Baring  Brothers  in  London,  Commo- 
dore Stockton  sailed  for  England  and  raised  funds 
on  six  per  cent,  bonds  amounting  to  nearly  eighty- 
three  thousand  pounds.  This  was  probably  one 
of  the  first  negotiations  of  American  railroad  se- 
curities in  a  foreign  market.  In  September,  1837, 
the  new  road  waas  completed  from  Bordentown  to 


tA 


■ 


NEW  YORK  HARr.OU. 


204 


NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 


Trenton,  and  was  used  by  passengers  in  1838.  In 
spite  of  the  failure  of  a  syndicate  of  capitalists 
to  meet  their  agreements  relative  to  a  lease  of 
the  joint  companies,  which  lease,  in  contempla- 
tion, was  used  by  Commodore  Stockton  to  attract 
European  capital,  he  succeeded  in  selling  bonds, 
and  overcame  all  imputations  made  against  him- 
self and  the  project  that  he  represented.  For  a 
year  and  a  half  no  work  had  been  done  between 
Trenton  and  New  Brunswick,  but  with  the  ar- 
rival of  funds  in  the  spring  of  1838  such  advance- 
ment was  made  with  the  enterprise  that  by  Janu- 
ary 1,  1839,  the  twenty-four  miles  of  track  was 
completed.  The  year  1839  was  spent  in  making  cer- 
tain radical  changes,  such  as  rebuilding  the  bridge 
over  the  Delaware,  making  it  safe  to  sustain  the 
weight  of  the  locomotives,  the  alteration  of  the 
gauge  of  the  Camden  and  Amboy  and  the  Phila- 
delphia and  Trenton  lines,  thus  avoiding  a  trans- 
fer at  Trenton,  and  the  introduction  of  through 
cars.  By  1840,  the  first  through  all-rail  line  from 
Philadelphia  to  New  York  was  completed. 

The  report  of  the  Camden  and  Amboy  directors 
made  on  the  29th  of  January,  1840,  shows  that 
in  construction  several  devices  of  rail-laying 
were  adopted.  On  twenty-six  miles  between  South 
Amboy  and  Bordentown  the  track  was  prepared 
by  embedding  stone  blocks,  two  feet  square,  a 
yard  apart.    Five-inch  holes  were  drilled  in  each 


Philip  MUledoler,  S.T.D.,  president  Rutgers  Collogu 
1825-40;  b.  Rhinebeck.  N.  Y.,  Sept.  22,  1773;  grad 
Columbia  College  1793  ;  ordained  in  German  Reformed 
Church  1794 ;  pastor  In  New  York  City ;  "  dis- 
tinguished for  nla  early  and  fervent  piety  "  ;  a.  on 
Staten  Inland,  Sept.  S,  1*52. 


ONY   AND  A  IS  A  1ST  ATE  205 


block.  Attached  to  these  blocks  dressed  locust 
chairs  fourteen  inches  long  and  from  one  to  two 
inches  thick  were  fastened.  On  these  chairs  the 
Stevens  "  T  "  rail  was  laid  and  fastened  with  six- 
inch  spikes.  This  rail  was  three  and  one-half 
inches  high,  with  two  and  one-eighth  inches  on 
the  upper  running  surface,  and  weighed  forty- 
two  pounds  to  the  yard.  The  ends  of  the  bars 
rested  on  wrought-iron  plates  or  cast-iron  chairs, 
connected  with  iron  tongues. 

Seven  miles  of  the  system  were  laid  upon  cross 
oak  and  chestnut  sleepers,  embedded  in  broken 
stone,  upon  stone  trenches,  and  consolidated  with 
heavy  hand  pounders.  To  these  sleepers  the  rail 
was  attached. 

At  South  River  for  a  short  distance  continuous 
granite  sills,  twelve  by  fourteen  inches,  eight  to 
ten  feet  long,  were  laid.  To  these  a  flat  bar  of 
iron  two  and  a  quarter  inches  wide  and  seven- 
eighths  inch  thick  was  attached.  After  four 
years'  trial  this  method  was  abandoned.  Cross 
sleepers  of  locust  were  laid  transversely  on  the 
sills  and  the  edge  rail  was  placed  thereon. 

In  Camden  and  Burlington  red  cedar  piles  seven 
feet  long  were  driven  into  the  ground  about  a  yard 
apart.  Upon  these  the  edge  rail  was  fastened. 
At  Pensauken  Creek  a  wooden  rail  was  laid.  The 
foundation  was  a  plank  three  and  a  half  inches 
thick  and  two  feet  in  width  under  each  rail.  Cross 


k20(J  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

sleepers  of  oak  were  placed  every  four  feet,  with 
blocks  two  feet  long  intervening.  Upon  these 
blocks  and  sleepers  a  wood  rail  six  inches  square, 
of  yellow  pine,  rested,  with  a  flat  bar  of  iron  two 
and  a  quarter  inches  wide  fastened  thereon  by 
spikes  and  screw  bolts. 

Of  the  rolling  stock  of  the  Camden  and  Amboy 
Company,  in  1840,  there  were  seventeen  locomo- 
tives and  sixty-four  passenger  cars,  two  of  these 
cars  having  the  proverbial  "  rocking  chairs," 
which  always  attracted  the  attention  of  Euro- 
pean travellers  of  the  period,  one  car  of  the  omni- 
bus type  and  eight  cars  for  forward  deck  passen- 
gers, while  the  construction  of  the  road  and  its 
equipment  from  1831  to  1840  had  involved  the  ex- 
penditure of  13,220,000. 

There  has  been  preserved  an  interesting  me- 
mento of  the  running  time  of  "  Engine  No.  8  " 
which  gives  a  fair  idea  of  the  length  of  time  oc- 
cupied in  1835  in  the  railroad  journey  between 
Camden  and  South  Amboy.  For  this  distance  of 
sixty-two  miles  the  running  time  was  five  hours 
and  twenty  minutes,  allowing  one  hour  and  five 
minutes,  an  average  of  fifteen  miles  an  hour,  for 
the  detention  of  the  engine.  There  were  then  six 
stations  on  the  route.  With  thirty-nine  possible 
"  stops,"  the  slowest  local  train  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad  to-day  covers  the  distance  in  two 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  207 

hours  and  a  half,  while  the  trip  could  be  made  in 
an  hour,  at  an  average  of  sixty  miles  an  hour. 

In  the  eastern  portion  of  the  State  the  growth 
of  the  railroad  idea  was  extremely  rapid.  Within 
two  years  nine  companies,  having  an  authorized 
capital  of  f  7,140,000,  were  chartered.  Besides  the 
Camden  and  Amboy  and  the  New  Jersey  Compa- 
nies there  were  several  corporations  that,  while 
organized  upon  a  local  basis,  with  none  of  the 
broad  aims  of  the  Camden  and  Amboy  system,  are 
of  especial  interest,  as  illustrative  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  industrial  activity  in  the  East  Jersey 
towns. 

In  1831,  late  in  January,  the  Paterson  and  Hud- 
son River  Railroad  Company  was  incorporated 
with  a  capital  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars.  In  its  charter  it  was  provided  that  the 
road  must  commence  or  pass  within  fifty  feet  of 
the  intersection  of  Congress  and  Mill  Streets,  Pat- 
erson, thence  to  Weehawken,  terminating  at  any 
suitable  point  upon  the  Hudson  opposite  the  City 
of  New  York.  In  the  crossing  of  the  Hackensack 
the  railroad  was  authorized  to  pass  over  the  river 
near  or  upon  the  bridge  of  the  New  Barbadoes 
Company.  The  State  reserved  the  right  to  pur- 
chase the  road  after  the  expiration  of  fifty  years 
from  its  completion,  and  required  the  payment  of 
a  graded  percentage  upon  its  capital  stock  in  lieu 
of  all  taxation.     In  1831  the  Paterson  Junction 


208  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Railroad  Company  was  chartered  to  construct  a 
railroad  from  a  point  on  the  Morris  Canal  for  a  dis- 
tance of  one  and  a  half  miles  to  intersect  the  Pat- 
erson  and  Hudson  River  Railroad  Company  at  its 
Paterson  terminal.  Another  road,  which  was 
never  built,  was  chartered  March  8,  1832,  to  ex- 
tend from  Paterson  to  Fort  Lee. 

The  year  1831,  so  prolific  in  railroad  corpora- 
tions, marked  the  beginnings  of  the  Elizabeth- 
town  and  Somerville  Railroad  Company,  which 
was  chartered  upon  the  9th  of  February.  The 
road  was  to  pass  as  near  as  practicable  by  Bound 
Brook,  Plainfield,  Scotch  Plains,  and  Westfield, 
and  had  an  authorized  capital  of  two  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  to  which  the  State  reserved  the 
right  of  subscripting  twenty-five  thousand.  In 
1833  the  stock  was  increased  to  five  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  and  legislative  authority  was 
given  to  extend  the  road  from  Somerville  by  way 
of  Clinton  to  Belvidere,  and  to  construct  a  branch, 
if  necessary,  its  western  terminal  being  a  point 
between  the  mouth  of  the  Musconetcong  and  Phil- 
lipsburg. 

The  project  to  thus  construct  a  road  from  Eas- 
ton  to  tidewater  was  but  one  of  the  manifesta- 
tions of  the  development  of  the  great  anthracite 
coal  industry,  which  had  appeared  as  one  of  the 
forces  in  the  revolutionizing  of  the  industrial  life 
of  the  United  States.    In  Pennsvlvania  the  North- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  209 

western  Railroad  had  been  proposed,  extending 
from  the  Delaware  opposite  Belvidere,  by  the 
Water  Gap  and  Stroudsburg,  to  Pittstown  upon 
the  Susquehanna. 


CHAPTER     XIII 

Andrew   Jackson   and   thb   Era    of    Social 
Unrest 


THE  one  great  dominant  figure  in  the 
line  of  presidential  succession  be- 
tween Thomas  Jefferson  and  Abra- 
ham Lincoln — self-willed,  aggres- 
sive, forceful,  even  in  his  irasci- 
bility, living  so  largely  for  the  present,  yet  plan- 
ning well  and  thoroughly,  intensely  human  in 
word,  speech,  and  act — was  that  man  of  men,  An- 
drew Jackson.  Never  in  days  of  peace  was  a 
President  more  abused  or  more  glorified;  never 
was  one  whose  daily  life  was  subjected  to  closer 
scrutiny,  nor  yet  one  whose  official  acts  were 
lauded  by  his  uncompromising  adherents  without 
cause  or  without  reason. 

The  dominant  keynote  of  Andrew  Jackson's  life 
was  to  be  found  in  that  phrase,  Napoleonic  in  its 
brevity  and  in  the  universality  of  its  application: 
"To  the  victors  belong  the  spoils";  yet,  as  John 
T.  Morse,  Jr.,  suggests  in  William  Graham  Sum- 
ner's "  Andrew  Jackson,"  the  "  Great  Commoner  " 
would  have  read  the  phrase  "  '  To  the  victor  belong 
the  spoils' — and  he  himself  was  the  victor." 

There  was  something  in  the  masterfulness  of 
Andrew  Jackson  which  commended  itself  to  the 
mass  of  the  American  people.  He  unquestionably 
represented  a  self-assertive  democracy.  He  was  a 
political  materialist,  who  would  fight  for  what 
was  right,  and  whatever  he  believed  to  be  right 
was  right.     Through  his  veins  poured  the  rich, 


214  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

red  blood  of  a  Scotch-Irish  line;  he  had  fought 
battles,  military  and  political;  he  represented  in 
himself  a  new  era, — world-subduing  but  crude, — 
the  "  era  of  social  unrest." 

With  the  decline  and  fall  of  the  conserving  in- 
stitutions of  Federalism,  with  no  lasting  tradi- 
tions of  art,  literature,  ecclesiasticism,  diplomacy, 
or  even  of  thoroughly  established  legal  customs, 
the  American  people,  spurred  on  by  nervous  ac- 
tivity, variable  climate,  necessity,  and  natural  ad- 
vantages, turned  to  industrialism  and  the  reform 
of  such  institutions  as  had  gained  anything  like 
permanent  lodgment  upon  the  eastern  shores  of 
North  America. 

Thus  from  1820  to  1845  the  people  of  the  United 
States  struggled,  often  vainly,  to  accomplish  ma- 
terial reform  and  to  advance  the  nation  to  a  posi- 
tion of  importance.  An  individualistic  policy  re- 
sulted. 

Before  1820  certain  causes  tended  to  operate 
toward  this  end.  The  writer,  in  a  recent  mono- 
graph treating  of  this  era,  shows  that  previous 
to  this  period  the  steamboat  had  become  an  ac- 
complished fact,  turnpikes  had  been  built,  emi- 
grants had  swarmed  into  the  fertile  lands  of  the 
Mississippi  Valley,  canals  had  been  constructed, 
railroads  had  been  projected,  newspapers  had 
multiplied,  mails  were  reaching  nearly  every 
eastern  hamlet,  while  manufactures  were  being 


ONY  AND  AS  A   STATE 


215 


fostered  in  many  localities.  Anthracite  coal  and 
the  consequent  development  of  the  iron  industry 
made  the  construction  of  labor  and  time-saving 
machinery  a  most  important  consideration.  Pop- 
ulation was  congesting  in  larger  centers,  emigra- 
tion from  Europe  had  set  in;  all  progressive  men 
were  animated  by  industrialism.  In  polit- 
ical life  the  same  spirit  was  apparent;  the  in- 
tense conservatism  of  the  past  was  giving  way  to 
liberalism.  The  older  doctrine  of  government 
"  for  and  of  the  people  "  embraced  a  new  element 
"  by  the  people."  A  more  liberal  franchise,  State 
officers  popularly  elected,  freedom  of  individual 
action  in  nominating  conventions,  were  but  a  few 
of  the  demands. 

Equally  was  this  true  in  religious  life,  where 
the  direct  influence  of  dominant  sects  was  becom- 
ing less  apparent.  People  were  questioning  dog- 
ma. Andrew  Jackson,  in  1824,  entered  upon  the 
contest  for  the  presidency  in  a  manner  entirely 
typical  of  the  man.  Besides  himself  four  candi- 
dates were  before  the  people:  John  Quincy  Adams. 
Henry  Clay,  John  C.  Calhoun,  and  William  H.j 
Crawford.  The  election,  owing  to  the  fact  that  n 
one  candidate  received  a  majority  of  the  electora 
votes,  was  thrown  into  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  the  "era  of  good  feeling  "  came  to  a 
close  in  one  of  the  most  bitter  party  quarrels  that 
ever  marked  the  history  of  the  political  institu- 


<  Andrew  Jackson,  seventh  President  ot  the  United 
States;  t>.  March  15,  17«7 ;  d.  June  8,  184S.) 


216  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

tions  of  the  United  States.  Jackson  was  defeated, 
although  New  Jersey  remained  true  to  her  na- 
tional Democratic  allegiance,  to  which  she  had 
closely  held  since  the  days  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 

Partially  entrenched  in  New  Jersey,  Jackson 
drew  to  himself  all  of  the  anti-Federalistic  ele- 
ments of  the  State.  During  the  four  years  pre- 
ceding the  election  of  1828  every  effort  was 
made  to  break  down  what  little  was  left 
of  the  party  of  Hamilton.  It  has  been  said 
that  in  1828  the  campaign  of  1824  was  re- 
peated, if  anything,  with  a  greater  display  of  ha- 
tred and  vituperation.  The  political  situation  was 
little  less  than  a  seething  caldron,  under  which 
burned  the  fiercest  fires  of  agitation  and  of  person- 
al abuse.  No  candidate's  character  was  safe  in  the 
hands  of  the  pamphleteers;  encounters,  with  the 
use  of  firearms,  were  frequent  between  local  lead- 
ers of  public  opinion.  From  the  assault  Jackson 
rode  triumphant  to  institute  a  policy  which  has 
made  him  among  the  most  famous  of  all  Ameri- 
cans. 

The  presidential  election  of  1828  and  the  con- 
test for  the  governorship  in  1829  disclosed  the  re- 
lation New  Jersey  occupied  toward  Jackson  and 
his  policy.  Although,  as  the  result  of  the  prevail- 
ing sentiment  in  New  Jersey,  the  seven  electoral 
votes  of  the  State  were  cast  for  John  Q.  Adams 
and  Richard  Rush,  as  President  and  Vice-Presi- 


GNY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


217 


dent,  it  was  in  1829  that  Garret  D.  Wall,  a  Jack- 
sonian  Democrat,  was  elevated  to  the  governor- 
ship, the  mantle  upon  his  declination  of  the  office 
falling  upon  another  Jacksonian  Democrat,  Peter 
D.  Vroom.  Although  both  Samuel  L.  Southard 
and  Elias  P.  Seeley,  as  Whigs,  inheritors  of  the 
Federal  spirit,  held  the  governorship  under  an 
inconspicuous  and  brief  tenure,  it  was  in  1833 
that  the  triumph  of  Jackson  in  New  Jersey  was 
made  complete.  In  1832  the  voters  of  the  State 
had  declared  their  preference  for  Andrew  Jackson 
as  President  and  Martin  Van  Buren  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent, while  once  more  Peter  D.  Vroom  sat  in  the 
executive  chair.  Thence  until  the  panic  of  1837, 
when  the  Democratic  party  fell,  charged  with  the  ^^  ;^|r 

economic  causes  that  produced  "  hard  times,"  the 
New  Jersey  delegation  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives was  solidly  Democratic.  There  were 
Philemon  Dickerson,  who  resigned  to  accept  the 
governorship  in  1836;  Samuel  Fowler,  the  party 
leader  in  Sussex  County;  James  Parker,  of  Mid- 
dlesex; Ferdinand  D.  Schenck,  of  Somerset;  Will- 
iam N.  Shinn,  who  organized  the  Democrats  of 
Central  New  Jersey;  and  Thomas  Lee,  the  per- 
sonal representative  of  the  President  in  the  south- 
ern part  of  the  State,  who  wrested  from  his  former 
business  partner,  Joshua  Brick,  the  leader  of  Fed- 
eralism and  Whiggery,  the  political  control  of  the 
eounties  south  of  Burlington. 


Samuel  L*wle  Southard,  LL.D.,  cow 
Jersey  1832-23  and  secretary  of  the  na  i 
treasury  1823-29;   o.  Basking  Ridge,   N 
17*7;    grad.    Princeton    College   1804;    lawyer,    1809; 
member  of  Assembly;  associate  Justice  New  Jersey 
Supreme  Court;   U.   8.  senator  1821-23  and  1833  41 ; 
originator  of  tbe  Missouri  Compromise  resolution*. 
attorney-general   of   New  Jersey;   president   Morrto 
Canal  and  Banking  Company  1838 :  d.  Juoa  V,    1JHX 


218  NEW  JEHSEY  AS  A  COL 

The  era  of  social  unrest  had  many  manifesta- 
tions in  New  Jersey.  Reform  was  in  the  air;  and 
although  its  most  potent  expression  was  in  the 
adoption  of  the  new  constitution  of  1844,  the  spirit 
of  the  day  reached  out  into  every  field  of  human 
activity.  Unguided  by  experience  and  often  over- 
zealous,  every  reformer  urged,  to  the  limit,  the 
merits  of  his  plan  for  the  correction  of  social  evils. 
True,  there  were  many  questionable  reforms  ad- 
vanced; "  cranks  "  with  a  thousand  "  isms  "  came 
to  the  surface  in  the  stirring  of  the  waters,  to- 
gether with  mountebanks  and  charlatans,  ready  to 
foist  upon  the  public  any  scheme  to  bring  to  them- 
selves gold  and  notoriety.  "  But  these  were  ex- 
crescences," says  the  author  of  the  "  Biographical, 
Genealogical  and  Descriptive  History  of  New  Jer- 
sey," in  that  "  popular  movement  tending  toward 
the  betterment  of  human  conditions.  In  the  in- 
tensity of  honest  thought  and  feeling  every  sub- 
ject of  human  interest  was  discussed  in  the  ly- 
ceums,  public  meetings,  newspapers,  and  Legisla- 
tures. Pamphlets  came  by  the  thousands  from 
the  presses;  monographs  were  circulated  as  never 
before.  Steam  printing  presses  and  cheaper  post- 
age made  the  multiplication  and  circulation  of 
printed  matter  an  important  factor  in  the  dissem- 
ination of  individual  views.  Organizations  were 
formed  to  encourage  the  propagation  of  theories, 
economic,  industrial,  religious,  and  philanthropic. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  219 

The  Legislatures  were  deluged  with  petitions,  and, 
as  the  law-making  bodies  were  less  automatic  in 
action  than  those  of  the  present  day,  prolonged 
debates  resulted." 

In  the  much  neglected  but  significant  subject 
of  amusements  then,  as  now,  such  amusements 
represented  the  true  attitude  of  the  public  mind. 
In  New  Jersey,  with  its  conservative  religious 
sentiment  opposed  to  recreations  of  a  frivolous 
type,  there  were  many  who  revolted  against  the 
rigidity  of  church  discipline.  Thus  every  novelty 
attracted.  Theatrical  performances  in  the  cities 
of  Philadelphia  and  New  York,  travelling  cir- 
cuses, and  itinerant  shows  in  the  country  towns 
furnished  much  of  the  amusement  which  the  peo- 
ple of  the  State  craved. 

Among  the  mass  of  the  people  it  was  an  era 
of  coarseness  and  brutality.  Unpopular  actors 
were  driven  with  vituperative  cat  calls  from  the 
stage;  public  balls  were  held  in  municipal  build- 
ings, in  which  there  were  drinkng  and  fighting. 
Cock,  dog,  and  prize  fights  were  common.  Many 
men  went  armed.  It  was  a  time  of  physical  as 
well  as  of  intellectual  contests.  While  local  lot- 
teries had  been  generally  suppressed,  there  was 
a  large  trade  in  tickets  of  lotteries  drawn  in  near- 
by cities.  Saloons  were  slowly  taking  the  place 
of  the  old-time  taverns,  and  malt  liquors  were 
being  introduced  as  substitutes  for  those  of  a  spir- 


220 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


JfrUftxxj 


ituous  nature.  But  among  the  more  highly  edu- 
cated the  sympathies  of  the  people  of  the  State 
went  out  to  the  criminal,  delinquent,  defective, 
and  dependent  classes.  Prison  reform  had  led  to 
the  abandonment  of  the  old  prison  at  Trenton, 
now  used  as  the  State  arsenal,  and  found  its  ex- 
pression in  the  erection  of  a  more  commodious 
structure.  The  revelations  made  by  Miss  Dix  led 
to  greatly  needed  reforms  in  county  jails  and  poor- 
houses,  while  those  unfortunates  who  were  only 
dependent,  as  early  as  1825,  were  cared  for  by  the 
Legislature.  This  was  by  means  of  an  act  passed 
for  the  protection  of  children  who  had  been  aban- 
doned by  their  parents.  Similar  legislation  led 
to  the  legislative  action  of  1851,  limiting  the  hours 
of  child-labor  in  factories,  and  preventing  the  em- 
ployment of  those  under  ten  years  of  age.  In  1845 
an  orphan  asylum  had  been  incorporated  near 
Princeton,  at  Mount  Lucas,  which  was  soon  fol- 
lowed by  similar  institutions  in  Elizabeth  and 
Newark. 

Between  1830  and  1845  voluntary,  beneficial, 
and  benevolent  societies  were  incorporated  by  the 
Legislature.  These  were  the  pioneers  struggling 
with  the  new  problem  of  organized  charity,  and 
appeared  in  Allowaystown,  Burlington,  Borden- 
town,  Bridgeton,  Camden,  Fairfield,  Fairton, 
Mount  Holly,  Newark,  Lower  Penn's  Neck, 
Vincentown,  and  generally    for   the  Counties  of 


Charles  Ewlng,  chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  New  Jersey  1124-33;  t>.  Burlington  County  July  8, 
1780;  r-on  of  James,  a  Revolutionary  patriot;  grad. 
Princeton  College  1798;  admitted  to  the  bar  JStttj 
died  In  Trenton,  Aug.  6,  1832. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  221 

Salem  and  Cumberland.  In  1839,  a  German  Bene- 
ficial Society  was  established  in  Newark,  interest- 
ing as  showing  the  rapid  growth  of  a  foreign  ele- 
ment in  the  eastern  part  of  the  State.  During  this 
same  period,  to  counteract  the  then  all  too  gen- 
eral and  deleterious  effects  of  the  use  of  intoxi- 
cating liquors,  there  came  into  existence  in  the 
Eastern  States  organizations,  partially  secret  in 
their  nature,  popularly  known  as  "  temperance 
societies."  These  flourished,  particularly  in  West 
Jersey,  where  the  Society  of  Friends  for  many 
years  had  officially  declared  itself  as  opposed  to 
the  improper  use  of  malt  and  spirituous  liquors. 
From  1840  to  1845  temperance  societies,  with 
beneficial  privileges,  were  incorporated  for  Bor- 
dentown,  Camden,  Lamberton,  Trenton,  Upper 
Penn's  Neck,  and  Vincentown.  These  beneficial 
and  "  temperance  "  societies  later  were  dissolved, 
yet  their  moral  effect  was  highly  stimulating  at 
a  time  when  excessive  drinking  in  public  and  pri- 
vate was  so  common  as  to  cause  but  little  adverse 
comment. 

Of  the  political  excesses  of  the  day  one  move- 
ment which  appeared  in  New  Jersey  is  entirely 
characteristic  of  a  state  of  society  whose  doc- 
trine was  "  Equality,"  whatever  its  practices  may 
have  been.  The  rapid  growth  of  the  Masonic  or- 
der in  New  Jersey  and  elsewhere  had  gathered 
into  the  ranks  of  that  ancient  and  honorable  fra- 


222  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

ternity  a  large  number  of  men  of  wealth,  influ- 
ence, and  social  position.  Against  these  "  organ- 
ized aristocrats,"  to  use  a  term  of  the  day,  a  feel- 
ing of  opposition  arose  not  unlike  that  earlier 
expressed  against  the  Cincinnati.  From  the  in- 
cident of  the  disappearance  of  one  William  Mor- 
gan, a  member  of  the  organization,  a  great  popu- 
lar clamor  arose.  Morgan's  home  was  in  Batavia, 
New  York.  He  was  alleged  to  have  been  abducted 
by  Masons,  after  he  had  printed  a  book  pretend- 
ing to  reveal  the  secrets  of  the  organization. 
Based  upon  such  charges,  a  party  arose  which  be- 
came sufficiently  national  in  its  scope  to  spread 
from  Massachusetts  to  Ohio,  and  as  far  south  as 
Pennsylvania.  In  New  Jersey  the  movement  made 
little  headway,  owing  largely  to  the  power  of  the 
Masonic  lodges  which  had  been  located  in  the 
State,  not  only  from  Revolutionary  but  from  colo- 
nial times. 

Such  strength  as  the  anti-Masonic  party  pos- 
sessed in  New  Jersey  was  drawn  mainly  from 
those  Democrats,  some  of  whom  considered  the  so- 
ciety to  be  of  an  aristocratic  and  exclusive  charac- 
ter, a  proposition  sustained  by  the  professional 
politicians  who  headed  the  movement.  Like  all 
other  organizations  which  magnify  local  condi- 
tions into  circumstances  of  national  importance, 
the  anti-Masonic  party  passed  from  the  stage,  re- 
membered as  the  organization  responsible  for  the 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  223 

system  of  holding  conventions  of  delegates  for  the 
purpose  of  nominating  presidential  and  vice-presi- 
dential candidates.  In  1831  the  party  thus  nomi- 
nated William  Wirt  and  Thomas  Ellmaker,  at  Bal- 
timore. 

e  Into  the  rural  communities  reforms  had  made 
slow  but  substantial  headway.  Upon  the  farms 
the  "  standard  of  living "  had  been  advanced. 
Fresh  meat  came  more  generally  into  use;  the 
farmer  ate  his  meals  in  rooms  separate  from  the 
kitchen,  partaking  of  food  prepared  upon  cook 
stoves.  Carpets  covered  his  formerly  sanded 
floors,  while  perhaps  one  of  the  recently  invented 
sewing  machines  appeared  in  the  "  sitting-room." 
Under  a  wooden  shed  it  is  possible  that  there 
stood  a  sample  of  the  three  thousand  harvesters 
sold  in  1850,  while  along  a  highway  in  Central 
New  Jersey  later  stood  a  line  of  low,  mysterious 
telegraph  poles  connecting  Philadelphia  and  New 
York.  While  going  to  the  postoffice,  if  it  rained, 
he  might  have  worn  one  of  the  Goodyear  "  vul- 
canized "  rubber  coats,  which  protected  him  and 
his  mail,  the  letters  of  which  were  "  prepaid,"  as 
was  indicated  by  the  adhesive  stamp  upon  the  en- 
velope. His  daughters  attended  the  lyceums,  and 
read  the  current,  fantastic,  sentimental,  short 
novels,  published  in  the  yearly  "lady's  books " 
and  in  the  "  literary  "  corner  of  the  county  news- 
paper, or  made  "  tidies  "  for  the  hair-cloth  furni- 


&LJ 


224  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

ture  in  the  "  best  room."  The  sons  were  becoming 
ambitious,  were  tiring  of  the  farm,  and  in  the  ex- 
citement of  the  time  were  filled  with  "  wander- 
lust," leading  them  not  only  to  the  great  cities, 
but  to  seek  El  Dorado,  the  gold  fields  of  California, 
to  participate  in  the  filibustering  expeditions,  or 
to  "  try  their  luck  "  upon  the  prairies  of  the  mid- 
west. 

Such  were  but  a  few  of  the  outward  phases  of 
that  period  when  Jackson  gave  to  life  in  the  White 
House  a  new  meaning,  a  new  purpose,  a  new  goal. 
Such  were  but  a  few  of  the  conditions  that  marked 
the  years  so  well  called  the  "  era  of  social  unrest." 


C H  A  PTEK     XIV 
A  King  Who  Lived  in  New  Jersey 


.'. 


JOSEPH  BONAPARTE,  elder  brother 
of  Napoleon,  member  of  the  Council 
of  Five  Hundred,  of  which  his 
brother  Lucien  was  president,  sena- 
tor and  member  of  the  Grand  Coun- 
cil of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  Grand  Elector  and 
Prince  of  France,  conqueror  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Naples,  and  from  1808  to  1813  King  of  Spain,  was, 
under  the  title  of  the  Count  de  Survilliers,  for 
many  years  a  resident  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey, 
where,  in  the  village  of  Bordentown,  he  held  an 
unofficial  but  regal  court  in  the  midst  of  repub- 
lican simplicity. 

Upon  the  field  of  Waterloo  the  white  stars 
on  that  eventful  night,  in  1815,  looked  down  upon 
the  blasted  hopes  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  The 
fabric  of  the  dream  of  the  modern  Caesar  had  van- 
ished, the  house  of  the  great  Corsican  had  crum- 
bled. The  greatest  drama  of  the  modern  world 
had  closed  amid  the  boom  of  cannon  and  the  out- 
pouring of  streams  of  human  blood.  Nothing  was 
left  for  the  Bonapartes  but  flight  to  America.  In'OSEPH 
preparing  for  this  course  one  succeeded  and  made 
New  Jersey  his  home;  the  other,  preparing  his  de- 
parture from  the  Isle  d'Aix,  laid  down  his  life 
upon  the  wave-swept  shores  of  Saint  Helena. 

It  was  in  the  brig  "  Commerce,"  laden  with  Bor- 
deaux wines,  that  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  a  small 
suite,    conspicuous   among   whom  was  his   confi- 


^s?*g 


228  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


dential  secretary  and  friend,  Louis  Maillard,  sailed 
from  France  for  New  York.  Three  times  over- 
hauled by  British  cruisers  searching  for  Napoleon, 
the  identity  of  the  ex-King  of  Spain  had  been  so 
successfully  concealed  that  even  the  Swedish  Cap- 
tain Messervey  was  not  aware  of  the  personality  of 
his  passenger.  This  enforced  secrecy  was  raised 
on  the  arrival  of  the  "  Commerce  "  at  New  York, 
and,  in  the  City  Hotel,  Henry  Clay,  who  had  just 
returned  from  Europe,  having  negotiated  the 
treaty  of  Ghent,  surrendered  to  Joseph  Bonaparte 
a  suite  of  rooms  which  had  been  engaged  by  the 
distinguished  American. 

From  Xew  York  Joseph  Bonaparte  proceeded  to 
Philadelphia,  where  he  resided  on  the  site  of  the 
Bingham  House,  and  where,  during  February, 
1824,  Joseph  Lucien  Charles  Napoleon  was  born 
to  Prince  Charles  and  his  wife  Zenaide.  Another 
home  occupied  by  Joseph  Bonaparte  was  "  Lans- 
downe,"  in  Fairmount  Park,  Philadelphia,  a  su- 
perb establishment,  former  residence  of  John 
Penn,  last  proprietary  governor  of  Pennsylvania. 
Here,  too,  had  dwelt  Mr.  Bingham,  grandfather 
of  Lord  Ashburton.  Subsequently  Joseph  Bona- 
parte's city  residence  was  in  Girard  Bow,  on 
Chestnut  street.  The  story  goes  that  Joseph  of- 
fered to  purchase  from  Stephen  Girard,  the  block 
from  Eleventh  to  Twelfth  and  Chestnut  to  Market 
Streets.     The  price  was  to  be  silver  half-dollars 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  229 

covering  the  tract,  laid  flat.  This  offer  Stephen 
Girard  would  accept  solely  upon  the  condition 
that  the  half-dollars  be  set  on  edge. 

Two  motives  probably  influenced  Joseph  Bona- 
parte to  settle  in  New  Jersey.  One  was  the  senti- 
ment of  his  brother  Napoleon,  who  had  once  said 
in  the  presence  of  Joseph  that  in  case  of  failure  of 
his  plans  and  the  need  of  flight  he  would  locate 
his  home  somewhere  between  Philadelphia  and 
New  York,  where,  said  Napoleon,  pointing  to  a 
map,  "  I  can  receive  the  earliest  intelligence  from 
France  by  ships  arriving  at  either  port."  The 
other  was  the  evident  willingness  of  the  Legisla- 
ture of  New  Jersey  to  pass  an  enabling  statute 
permitting  an  alien  to  hold  land  in  fee  simple. 
Unquestionably  Joseph  Bonaparte  had  selected 
Trenton  as  his  future  home,  he  having  negotiated 
for  a  house  in  that  city.  The  greed  of  the  land- 
owners and  the  fact  that  Commodore  Charles 
Stewart  urged  the  claims  of  Bordentown,  influ- 
enced Joseph  Bonaparte  in  favor  of  the  latter 
place.  During  the  autumn  of  1816  and  the  spring 
of  1817  the  ex-King  of  Spain,  through  agents,  ac- 
quired title  to  about  one  thousand  acres  of  land 
lying  on  the  bank  of  Crosswicks  Creek,  between  its 
former  mouth  and  the  village  of  Groveville.  This 
estate,  known  as  "  Point  Breeze  "  and  "  Bona- 
parte's Park,"  had  in  part  been  located  by  Thom- 
as Parnsworth  in  1681,  had  been  purchased  from 


230  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

the  Fains  worths  by  Joseph  Borden,  thence  had 
passed  to  his  son-in-law,  Joseph  Douglass,  who  de- 
vised it  to  his  son,  George  Douglass.  In  1792 
George  Douglass  made  an  assignment  to  Trenton's 
most  famous  merchant  of  Revolutionary  times, 
Abraham  Hunt,  from  whom  the  land  passed  into 
the  control  of  Stephen  Sayre,  once  private  secre- 
tary to  Benjamin  Franklin  and  former  high  sheriff 
of  the  City  of  London.  Although  having  experi- 
enced reverses,  Sayre  had  been  most  instrumental 
in  securing  foreign  aid  and.  money  for  the  cause  of 
independence.  The  Sayre  interests,  together  with  a 
race  track  as  a  part  of  the  realty,  were  transferred 
to  Joseph  Bonaparte  in  1816,  when  Stephen  Sayre 
ceased  to  occupy  the  property,  subsequently  dy- 
ing at  the  home  of  his  son,  Samuel  Wilson  Sayre, 
of  Brandon,  Virginia.  Thus  before  "  Point 
Breeze  "  became  the  home  of  a  King  the  property 
was  historic. 

With  characteristic  energy  and  the  love  of  the 
beautiful  that  so  marked  the  aesthetic  rather  than 
the  military  nature  of  Joseph  Bonaparte  he  im- 
mediately adorned  his  new  estate.  Gardeners 
planted  trees,  laborers  laid  out  several  miles  of 
carriage  drives,  while  a  frame  house,  in  which 
Bonaparte — now  known  as  the  Count  de  Survil- 
liers — resided,  was  removed  and  a  substantial 
mansion,  partially  of  brick  and  wood,  was  erected. 
From  the  cellar  of  this  house  an  underground  pas- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  231 

sageway,  according  to  Major  E.  M.  Woodward's 
"  Bonaparte's  Park  and  the  Murats,"  was  con- 
structed, leading  some  fifty  feet  away  to  the  bluff 
facing  the  creek.  Many  are  the  fanciful  traditions 
told  concerning  this  passageway,  of  its  use  in  case 
ships  of  European  powers  should  come  up  the 
Delaware  in  search  of  the  ex-King  of  Spain, 
who  roamed  at  will  about  the  streets  of 
New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and  of  the  possibil- 
ity of  dark  deeds  being  committed  by  those  witty, 
agreeable,  peace-loving  gentlemen  who  brought  to 
Quaker  Bordentown  so  much  French  verve,  spon- 
taneity, and  sunshine!  The  tunnel  had  its  use — 
a  ready  means  of  conveying  to  the  mansion  the 
pipes  of  wine,  casks  of  liquor,  and  such  provisions 
as  came  from  Philadelphia  or  later  were  brought 
by  canal  from  New  York. 

But  upon  the  3d  of  January,  1820,  an  accidental 
fire  destroyed  a  portion  of  the  "  elegant  mansion 
of  Joseph  Bonaparte "  while  its  owner  was  in 
Trenton.  Fighting  the  flames  by  means  of  the 
primitive  bucket  brigade,  in  which  the  women  of 
the  village  assisted,  the  citizens  of  Bordentown 
were  enabled  to  save  much  of  the  articles  of  fur- 
niture, ornaments,  paintings,  plate,  jewels,  linen, 
books  and  money,  of  which  there  was  a  great  store 
in  the  mansion,  and  all  of  which  was  returned  to 
the  Count  de  Survilliers  intact.  For  these  serv- 
ices the  distinguished  Frenchman  highly  compli- 


.'i.<H--\. 


THIS  OLD  HOUSE  OF 


232  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

merited  the  "  dignity  "  of  the  townspeople  and 
their  appreciation  of  the  fact  that  "true  greatness 
is  in  the  soul."  The  ruins  of  the  house,  which 
stood  near  the  main  entrance  to  the  park,  were 
pulled  down,  leaving  standing  only  a  stone-in- 
closed observatory. 

In  the  erection  of  a  new  home  the  Count  de  Sur- 
villiers  exceeded  the  elegance  of  any  mansion  in 
the  State.  Converting  a  stable,  which  stood  in 
front  of  his  former  residence,  into  dwelling  pur- 
poses, his  dwelling,  says  Woodward,  "  was  plain, 
long,  and  rather  low,  and  of  brick  covered  with 
white  plaster."  Liveried  servants  stood  by  the 
carved  folding  doors  at  the  entrance,  while  with- 
in was  a  wide  hall  and  staircase,  a  state  dining 
room,  art  gallery,  and  library,  with  a  wealth  of 
sculpture, of  paintings  by  old  and  modern  masters, 
of  hangings  in  gold,  and  of  tapestry  fringed  with 
silver — in  short  the  home  of  a  prince,  where  hos- 
pitality, princely  in  name  and  in  fact,  was  dis- 
pensed to  the  unbounded  admiration  even  of  those 
Americans  accustomed  to  the  display  of  Euro- 
pean courts.  Through  the  park,  whose  drives  of 
twelve  miles  amid  statuary  were  like  those  of  the 
Escurial  grounds, — a  remembrance  of  the  ex- 
King's  life  upon  the  throne  in  Madrid, — were  rus- 
tic cots,  rain  shelters,  and  bridges.  From  a  tidal 
lagoon  the  Count  de  Survilliers  created  a  lake  half 
a  mile  in  length,  erected  a  causeway  on  the  Tren- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  233 

ton  road,  leading  a  drive  over  a  costly  arch. 
Around  the  lake  a  carriage  way  opened  vistas  of 
beauty — now  a  glimpse  of  the  sun-lit  Delaware, 
there  among  the  trees  swans  encircling  islets,  or 
the  sound  of  laughter  and  song  from  those  in  a 
little  fleet  of  boats  as  they  accompanied  the  count 
upon  those  pleasure  parties  of  which  he  was  so 
fond. 

Near  the  residence  of  the  count  stood  the 
"  Lake  House,"  erected  for  Prince  Charles  and  his 
wife  Zenaide,  and  which  was  connected  with  the 
mansion  of  the  Count  de  Survilliers  by  a  subter- 
ranean passage,  used  by  the  princess,  his  daugh- 
ter, when,  during  inclement  weather,  she  visited 
her  father.  Another  passageway  with  heavy 
doors  led  from  the  lake  to  the  main  house.  As  in 
the  case  of  the  "  tunnels  "  associated  with  the 
mansion  destroyed  by  fire  there  were  various  idle 
stories.  How  little  foundation  there  was  for  ru- 
mor may  be  found  in  the  Italian  inscription  which, 
by  order  of  the  count,  was  carved  over  the  door- 
way of  one  of  these  passages: 

Not  ignorant  of  evil,  I  learn  to  succor  the  unfortunate. 

Except  for  the  absence  of  his  beautiful  but 
delicate  wife,  Marie  Julie  Clari,  whose  sister  be- 
came the  Queen  of  Sweden,  and  who,  by  reason 
of  the  severity  of  a  sea  voyage,  was  unable  to  join 
the  count  in  his  exile,  Joseph  Bonaparte  was  su- 


2M  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

premely  happy  in  his  new  home.  The  presence  of 
his  eldest  daughter,  Zenaide  Charlotte  Julie,  Prin- 
t-esse  de  Canino  and  Musignano,  and  wife  of  her 
cousin,  Charles  Lucien,  son  of  Lucien  Bonaparte, 
gave  to  the  sumptuous  entertainments  of  Count 
de  Survilliers  an  air  of  graciousness  that  only  such 
an  accomplished  woman  could  lend.  While  in 
America  she  read  and  translated  Schiller's 
dramas.  As  a  scientist  and  founder  and  president 
of  several  Italian  scientific  congresses,  Prince 
Charles  Lucien  was  best  known  as  an  ornitholo- 
gist. Associated  with  him  was  the  eminent  nat- 
uralist, Alexander  Wilson,  and  in  the  many  works 
of  these  two  savants  there  are  innumerable  refer- 
ences to  bird-life  in  the  Delaware  Valley.  The 
contiguous  "  Pines,"  the  natural  nabitat  of 
rare  species  of  birds,  as  well  as  the  Crosswick 
meadows,  the  division  line  between  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  Carolinian  and  Appalachian  fauna, 
were  thoroughly  explored  by  this  princely  student, 
whose  days  were  spent  in  woods,  on  farms,  and 
along  streams  in  search  of  useful  and  curious  in- 
formation concerning  birds  and  their  modes  of 
life.  Of  the  children  of  the  marriage  of  Prince 
Charles  Lucien  Bonaparte  and  Zenaide  one  was 
the  Prince  de  Musignano,  who  inherited  all  the 
American  realty  of  the  Count  de  Survilliers  except 
the  farm  at  Groveville.  Another  child  was  the 
Marquise  de  Roccagiovine.  another  was  the  Com- 


ONV  AND  AS  A  STATE  235 

tesse  Primole,  while  another  was  Napoleon  Gre- 
goire  Jacques  Philippe,  who  served  in  Mexico  un- 
der Marshal  Bazine. 

The  youngest  daughter  of  the  Count  de  Survil- 
liers  was  Charlotte,  who  married  her  cousin,  Na- 
poleon Louis,  Grand  Due  de  Cleves  et  Berg,  who, 
under  the  regency  of  his  mother,  was  for  a  short 
time  recognized  as  King  of  Holland.  The  grand 
duke  was  also  a  man  of  scientific  attainments. 

In  personal  appearance  the  Count  de  Survilliers 
had,  in  spite  of  a  tendency  toward  corpulency,  a 
graceful  figure.  He  was  of  less  than  medium 
height,  and  by  his  temperance,  keeping  seasonable 
hours  and  constant  exercise,  he  preserved  to  its 
full  a  strong  constitution.  He  much  resembled  his 
brother  Napoleon,  having  a  complexion  "  peculiar 
and  striking,  as  smooth  and  transparent  as  a 
woman's." 

Of  his  life  at  Bordentown  it  may  be  said  that  it 
combined  the  elements  of  leisure,  usually  digni- 
fied, the  study  of  men,  books,  art,  and  nature,  and 
a  willingness  to  disclose  the  splendors  of  his  home 
to  the  humblest  as  the  most  conspicuous  of  his 
friends  and  acquaintances.  Whether  throwing 
apples  and  oranges  upon  the  ice  when  skaters 
sought  his  lake,  presenting  Christmas  gifts  to  the 
poor,  giving  wTork  to  a  small  army  of  retainers 
whom  he  employed,  or  welcoming  Lafayette,, 
Clauzel,    Lalleraand,    Desnouettes,    Henry    Clay. 


LAFAYETTE   CARRJ 
(Built  by  order  of  CongresB  in  1821  for  the  use  of  Genera  Juring 

iBit  to  the  Unlt( 


236  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Daniel  Webster,  John  Quincy  Adams,  Gen- 
eral Winfield  Scott,  Commodore  Charles  Stewart, 
Commodore  Robert  F.  Stockton,  or  members  of 
the  government  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  there 
was  always  in  his  every  act  the  spirit  of  the  King, 
a  gracious,  generous  monarch  who  had  fallen 
upon  sad  days.  Whatever  bitterness,  whatever 
sorrow,  there  was  in  his  heart  he  kept  to  himself. 
Of  pastimes  he  was  perhaps  fondest  of  billiards, 
and  played  the  game  in  the  old  fashioned  way. 
It  was  a  delight  for  him  to  teach  this  sport  to 
those  young  Americans  who  came  to  his  house, 
and  one  of  his  apt  pupils  was  the  late  Colonel  Mor- 
ris R.  Hamilton,  for  many  years  librarian  of  the 
State  of  New  Jersey. 

It  was  in  1824,  upon  the  occasion  of  General 
Lafayette's  visit  to  America,  that  the  Count  de 
Survilliers  welcomed  the  guest  of  the  nation,  who 
had  left  Philadelphia  by  steamboat.  He  also  later 
entertained  General  Lafayette,  who  had  received 
an  ovation  in  Trenton,  and  who  spent  a  night  at 
the  park  after  a  wildly  enthusiastic  reception  at 
Bordentown.  It  was  at  Point  Breeze  that  Joseph 
Bonaparte  refused  the  proffer  of  the  crown  of 
Mexico,  saying  that  he  had  worn  two  crowns,  but 
"  would  not  take  a  step  to  wear  a  third."  Pro- 
foundly impressed  by  the  republican  institutions 
of  the  United  States,  he  told  the  deputation:  "I  do 
not  think  that  the  throne  you  wish  to  raise  again 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  237 

can  make  you  happy,"  and  advised  the  Mexicans 
to  copy  the  policy  of  their  neighboring  republic. 
Here  too,  when  in  exile,  came  Napoleon  III,  who 
resided  during  a  part  of  the  year  1837  in  New 
York  City. 

The  accession  to  the  French  throne  of  Louis 
Philippe  was  the  signal  for  the  granting  of  partial 
pardon  to  those  of  the  Napoleonic  dynasty  who 
had  been  expatriated.  Under  such  circumstances 
the  Count  de  Survilliers  visited  Europe  in  1832, 
receiving  upon  the  occasion  of  his  departure  from 
Bordentown  and  Philadelphia  the  assurances  of 
the  high  consideration  in  which  he  was  held  by  the 
people,  who  had  learned  to  know  and  appreciate 
him.  But  once  in  Europe,  he  was  subjected  to  the 
bitterest  attacks,  his  motives  were  ignorantly  mis- 
interpreted or  wilfully  misunderstood,  and,  seek- 
ing consolation  in  America,  he  returned  to  Bor- 
dentown in  1837.  For  two  years  he  travelled  ex- 
tensively and  prepared  for  a  return  to  England, 
where  he  went  in  1839,  dying  during  1844,  in 
Florence,  Italy,  at  the  age  of  seventy-six. 

The  death  of  the  Count  de  Survilliers  devolved 
upon  his  grandson,  Joseph  Lucien  Charles  Napo- 
leon, Count  de  Musignano,  the  ownership  of  all  the 
realty  of  Joseph  Bonaparte  in  America  except  a 
farm  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  near  Grove- 
ville,  which  the  Count  de  Survilliers  gave  by  will 
to  Louis  Maillard.     Succeeding  his  grandfather, 


238  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

the  Count  de  Musignano,  "  Prince  Joseph,"  as  he 
was  called,  resided  in  Bordentown  at  the  "  Park  " 
until  the  time  of  the  Revolution  of  1848,  when 
he  returned  to  France.  But  "  Prince  Joseph," 
who  did  not  care  for  the  farms,  or  in  fact  for 
America,  sold  one  part  of  the  estate  and  then  an- 
other until  August  11,  1847,  when  the  "Park"  was 
sold  to  Thomas  Richards.  In  1850  Point  Breeze 
was  purchased  by  Henry  Beckett,  British  consul 
at  Philadelphia,  a  son  of  Sir  John  Beckett,  of 
Somerby  Park,  Lincolnshire,  England,  and  a  di- 
rect descendant  of  Deputy  Governor  Andrew 
Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  Mr.  Beckett 
who  destroyed  the  Bonaparte  house  and  erected 
nearby  a  then  modern  structure,  which  after  va- 
rious vicissitudes  is  now  occupied  by  the  priests 
of  the  congregation  of  the  mission  of  St.  Vincent 
de  Paul,  whose  head  house  and  missionary  center 
is  in  Germantown,  Philadelphia.  By  these  priests 
the  "  Park  "  is  used  as  a  place  of  recreation  and 
has  been  improved,  attempts  having  been  made  to 
restore  some  of  the  former  beauties  of  the  estate. 
Into  the  life  of  the  sedate,  the  elegant,  the  ac- 
complished Count  de  Survilliers  dashed  the  figure 
of  his  nephew,  the  reckless,  dare-devil,  money- 
wasting  Napoleon  Francois  Lucien  Charles, 
Prince  Murat,  son  of  Joachim  Murat,  King  of  the 
Two  Sicilies.  To  this  kingship  Joachim  Murat, 
son  of  an  innkeeper,  had  risen  from  a  sub-deacon- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


239 


ate  in  the  church,  and  until  he  became  the  favor- 
ite of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  whose  sister  Caroline 
he  married,  had  been  lieutenant  of  chasseurs, 
waiter  in  a  restaurant,  and  then  lieutenant  of  cav- 
alry. When  came  the  empire  Murat  rose  to  mar- 
shal prince,  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  commander 
of  the  "  grande  arm^e  "  in  its  retreat  from  Russia, 
and  at  last  was  court-martialed  and  shot  by  Ital- 
ians, while  he  was  attempting  to  stir  the  peasants 
to  insurrection. 

In  1803  Prince  Murat  was  born,  and  having 
practically  attained  his  majority,  followed  the  for- 
tunes of  his  uncle  and  came  to  America.  Settling 
first  near  Columbus,  New  Jersey,  he  soon  pur- 
chased the  "  Roebuck  "  plantation  near  the  park, 
where  he  lived  in  a  house  built  upon  the  plan  of 
an  Italian  villa.  Subsequently  he  resided  on  the 
Chesterfield  road,  but  the  home  best  known  was 
"  Murat  Row,"  on  the  edge  of  the  Park,  now  used 
for  tenements,  but  which  in  its  day,  with  stuccoed 
front  dormer  windows  and  abundance  of  shade, 
was,  as  it  yet  is,  one  of  the  "  lions  "  of  the  village. 
Then  the  old,  old  story  was  told,  this  time  to  Miss 
Caroline  Georgina  Fraser,  daughter  of  Major 
Fraser,  of  the  British  army.  The  usual  private 
marriage  followed,  performed  by  the  Rev.  Fred- 
erick Beasley,  rector  of  St.  Michael's  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church  in  Trenton  and  father  of  the  late 
chief  justice  of  the  New  Jersey  Supreme  Court, 


THK  ROYAL,  FLA^  OP 
FRANCT3. 


240  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

Mercer  Beasley.  Both  the  prince  and  his  Ameri- 
can princess  were  handsome,  both  charming.  But 
neither  family  was  satisfied.  The  Bonapartes  said 
that  Murat  should  have  married  one  of  his  cousins 
in  Europe;  the  Frasers  took  exception  to  his  idio- 
syncrasies of  the  prince.  His  serene  highness 
would  go  deer  hunting  in  the  "  Pines  "  and  make 
champagne  punch  in  a  bucket;  he  had  spent  sev- 
enty thousand  dollars  in  farming  and  raising  or 
trying  to  raise  horses,  dogs,  and  cattle.  He  had 
the  unfortunate  habit  of  sitting  by  the  roadside 
and  gambling  with  hostlers,  of  throwing  gold  half- 
eagles  into  barrooms,  or  curing  balky  horses  by 
setting  fire  to  wisps  of  straw  placed  under  them. 
He  was  always  in  debt,  and  had  wasted  his  sis- 
ter-in-law's fortune  in  a  chimerical  scheme  to 
build  a  city  on  the  Black  Biver  in  New  York. 
From  Joseph  Bonaparte  Prince  Murat  obtained 
money,  while  his  wife  conducted  a  private  school, 
and  in  these  ways  they  were  able  to  keep  a  pre- 
tence of  princely  dignity,  and  thus  enabled  the 
prince  to  visit  France  upon  several  occasions. 
Here,  after  the  election  of  Louis  Napoleon  to 
the  presidency  of  France  in  1849,  Murat  became 
senator,  and  in  1860  put  forth  a  claim  to  the 
kingship  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  With  him  during 
these  years,  when  he  had  spent  his  money,  his  de- 
voted wife  lived,  sharing  his  fortunes,  until  their 
deaths  in  1878. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  241 

All  is  passed  of  those  glorious  days,  when  a 
King  lived  in  Bordentown.  The  end  indeed  came 
in  1845,  when  the  auctioneer's  hammer  scattered 
much  of  the  rare  furniture,  now  so  greatly  prized, 
the  statuary,  paintings,  books,  the  china  plate 
and  cut  glass,  that  made  the  "Park"  an  enchanted 
spot.  The  good  old  King  has  gone,  the  roystering 
prince,  the  faithful  Maillard,  the  student  Prince 
Lucien,  who  kept  his  birds  by  the  lake — all  have 
crumbled  into  dust.  Time  has  broken  out  the 
windows  of  the  houses  in  the  "  Park,"  the  lake  is  a 
morass,  vines  creep  along  the  roads.  There  are 
only  echoes  of  splendor  of  a  kingly  court  far  more 
brilliant  than  that  held  by  the  Earl  of  Stirling  at 
Basking  Ridge,  by  Governor  Livingston  at  "  Lib- 
erty Hall,"  by  the  Stocktons  at  Morven — the  tri- 
une homes  of  abounding  hospitality  in  the  early 
days  of  New  Jersey. 

And  when  years  ago  some  one  said:  "Never 
has  been  seen  such  magnificence  in  New  Jersey," 
it  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
State,  Commodore  Stockton,  who  replied:  "Ah! 
but  who  could  hope  to  rival  a  King?  " 


CHAPTER    XV 
Manufactures  anx>  thh  Panic  of  1837 


THE  twenty  years  of  prosperity  fol- 
lowing the  panic  of  1817  marked 
what  may  be  termed  the  secondary 
period  of  the  economic  development 
of  New  Jersey.  It  was  the  time 
when  industrial  centers  became  distinctive,  when 
men  for  love  of  gain,  or  hoping  to  exercise  latent 
talent,  or  tiring  of  the  monotony  of  rural  life,  or 
dreaming  of  vast  futures,  shifted  slowly  from  the 
farm  to  the  shop,  bringing  with  them,  however, 
manners,  customs,  and  habits  of  their  former 
lives.  Villages  and  towns  were  taking  upon  them- 
selves minor  urban  phases  of  life,  but  they  were 
still  villages  and  towns.  There  was  much  con- 
servatism, and  every  industry,  while  nominally 
clothed  with  corporate  powers,  had  the  character- 
istics of  the  copartnerships  of  the  rural  black- 
smiths or  carriage  makers.  There  were  some  who, 
unconsciously,  were  preparing  themselves  to  be 
entrepreneurs,  a  few  foresaw  the  coming  of  the  in- 
dustrial specialist,  none  was  fitted  to  examine 
clearly  the  future  microscopic  divisions  of  labor. 
Thus  far  had  the  industrial  situation  developed 
that  a  few  young  men  from  each  small  commu- 
nity, whose  places  could  readily  be  taken  by  oth- 
ers, left  the  old  homes.  All  farms  were  occupied, 
except  those  abandoned  on  account  of  being  un- 
profitable, or  whose  owners  had  caught  the  spirit 
of  the  Western  movement,  and  had  followed  the 


24(5  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

lines  of  emigration  through  Central  New  York 
State,  or  had  reached  Ohio  and  Indiana  by  way  of 
Philadelphia,  Pittsburg,  and  the  Ohio  Eiver. 

Except  in  rare  instances  the  manufactories  were 
insignificant.  Every  industry  in  the  State  could 
have  been  crowded  into  a  city  the  present  size  of 
New  Brunswick,  Atlantic  City,  Orange,  Bayonne, 
or  Passaic.  Few  establishments  contained  above 
a  score  of  employees.  No  legislation  regulating 
the  number  of  hours  constituting  a  day's  work, 
sanitation,  stated  payment  of  wages,  or  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  master  as  to  the  use  of  danger- 
ous machinery  had  yet  been  enacted  in  New  Jer- 
sey. The  men  and  the  superintendent  or  overseer 
met  upon  even  ground.  The  chief  owners  often 
worked  at  the  machines,  while  the  common  law, 
governingthe  relations  of  master  and  servant, only 
slightly  modified,  prevailed.  It  has  been  truthfully 
said  that  there  was  no  hard  and  fast  line  drawn 
between  country  and  city  life.  With  no  conges- 
tion of  population  there  were  no  wage  workers,  as 
in  England,  upon  the  verge  of  pauperism,  nor  were 
there  vast  and  constantly  increasing  fortunes  ac- 
cumulated by  successful  manufacturers.  Men  of 
mental  nobility  turned  from  the  farm  to  the  shop 
and  back  again  to  the  fields,  or  went  from  one 
trade  to  another  with  varying  degrees  of  success. 
Women  were  practically  unknown  in  any  factory 
or  mill,  being  kept  out  of  such  work  by  the  pow 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  247 

erful  influence  of  custom,  by  distressingly  low 
wages,  and  by  their  lack  of  capacity  necessary  to 
change  from  domestic  relations  to  those  of  the 
shop. 

From  Europe  had  come  between  1817  and  1837 
the  first  flood  of  emigration.  The  pioneers  to  New 
Jersey  were  few  in  numbers  and  were  readily 
assimilated.  In  the  main  they  were  Englishmen, 
Irishmen,  and  Scotchmen,  speaking  the  English 
language,  and  were  acquainted  with  the  spirit,  if 
not  the  letter  of  our  laws.  Here  and  there  an  emi- 
grant from  one  of  the  small  dependencies  now 
merged  into  the  German  empire  could  be  found. 
He,  too,  was  soon  a  part  and  parcel  of  the  life  of 
the  community.  No  one  even  suggested  the  possi- 
bilities of  a  vast  emigration  of  the  Romance, 
Slavonic,  and  Hebraic  peoples,  who  later  added  so 
materially  to  the  growth  of  the  cities,  and  con- 
tributed so  largely  to  the  sudden  change  in  the  in- 
dustrial conditions  in  the  State. 

As  the  public  mind  slowly  absorbed  the  corpo- 
rate idea  the  list  of  manufactories,  many  of  which 
were  upon  paper,  increased  in  length.  But  with 
the  changing  conditions  came  the  fever  of  specula- 
tion, which  in  New  Jersey,  as  elsewhere,  found  one 
form  of  expression  in  the  "  silk  worm  craze." 
Stimulated  by  a  State  bounty  of  fifteen  cents  per 
pound  for  cocoons,  there  had  been  planted  in  New 
Jersey,  by  1838,  no  less  than  two  hundred  thou- 


248  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

sand  morus  multicaulus,or  mulberry, trees,  of  which 
probably  twenty  thousand  were  near  Burlington. 
Enthusiasts  had  attempted  to  show  that  land  of 
little  value,  particularly  in  the  southern  part  of 
the  State,  could  raise  two  hundred  to  three  hun- 
dred pounds  of  cocoons  at  a  profit  of  from  forty 
to  fifty  dollars  per  acre.  This  would  give,  per- 
haps, twenty  to  twenty-five  pounds  of  reeled  silk. 
Under  such  alluring  prospects,  during  the  years 
1836, 1837,  and  1839,  the  Bergen,  Burlington,  Can- 
ton, Elizabethtown,  Morris,  Warren,  Trenton,  and 
Salem  silk  companies  were  incorporated. 

The  craze,  which  in  its  intensity  rivaled  the 
tulip  mania  of  Holland,  spread  throughout  the 
State.  Upon  nearly  every  farm  and  plantation 
were  long  rows  of  the  mcrus  multicaulus,  each  of 
which  trees  had  been  cut  into  as  many  pieces  as 
there  were  trunk  buds,  each  bud  producing  a  tree 
to  be  similarly  treated.  A  simple  calculation  in 
arithmetical  progression  would  demonstrate,  at 
the  rate  of  reproduction,  that  in  a  decade  the  acres 
of  tillable  land  in  New  Jersey  would  be  insuffi- 
cient to  contain  so  vast  a  forest.  Attention  was 
mainly  given  to  tree  growing,  while  practically 
little  interest  was  taken  in  the  production  of  the 
silk  worm. 

Such  improvidence  led  to  but  one  result — a  total 
abandonment  of  the  enterprise.  The  explosion  of 
the  bubble  was  sudden   and   severe.    Field  after 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  249 

field  of  mulberry  trees,  few  of  them  attaining  a 
size  greater  than  that  of  a  stalk  of  Indian  corn, 
but  which  in  midsummer  gave  promise  of  great 
wealth  for  their  owners,  were  ruthlessly  cut  down 
and  burned  before  winter  came. 

Between  1823  and  1836  glass  companies  were  or- 
ganized in  Columbus,  Bridgeton,  Dennisville,  and 
Jersey  City.  In  1833  a  paper  company  was  incor- 
porated at  Hanover.  In  1837  the  New  Jersey  Gum 
Elastic  Company  was  chartered,  and  in  1839  the 
Somerville  Pin  and  Type  Company  had  authorized 
existence.  In  1828  the  Trenton  Calico  Printing 
Company,  and  in  1837  the  Trenton  Flax  Company 
received  legislative  sanction. 

Then  it  was  that  history  repeated  itself.  The 
vast  revenues  obtained  by  sales  of  the  public  land, 
owing  to  the  extension  of  good  roads  and  railways 
as  well  as  the  flow  of  emigration,  and  the  Calhoun 
surplus  revenue  "  loan  "  of  thirty-six  million  dol- 
lars to  the  States,  after  the  federal  debt  had  been 
extinguished  in  1836,  created  a  feeling  of  false  se- 
curity. Under  the  policy  of  the  "  strict  construc- 
tionists "  this  surplus  revenue  had  been  deposited 
instate  banks  selected  by  the  national  adminstra- 
tion — its  "  pets,"  as  such  institutions  were  called, 
which  were  subjected  to  little  or  no  inspection  on 
the  part  of  the  State  or  federal  authorities.  Bank 
notes  were  issued  with  a  recklessness  only 
equaled  by  that  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution, 


250  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

----- 

and  as  money,  of  a  kind,  was  plentiful  speculation 
seized  upon  all  men.  The  real  crisis  came  with 
the  issuance  of  the  "  Specie  Circular  "  of  1836, 
whereby  agents  for  the  sale  of  government  land 
were  permitted  to  take  nothing  but  gold  and  silver 
in  payment  for  such  lands.  From  the  eastern 
cities  there  was  a  movement  of  "  hard  money  "  to 
the  West  and  with  the  return  of  paper  in  payment 
came  the  culmination  of  events  which  immediate- 
ly precipitated  the  "  panic  of  1837." 

In  both  Philadelphia  and  New  York  there  was 
great  distress.  Fortunes  were  swept  away;  the 
poor  actually  starved  upon  the  streets.  To  re- 
lieve the  misfortunes  of  the  nation  there  was  some 
talk  of  anarchy,  while  the  Legislatures  of  the 
States  were  deluged  with  plans,  many  of  which 
savored  of  charlatanism.  In  New  Jersey,  al- 
though there  was  no  open  violence,  Governor 
Pennington,  in  a  warning  message  to  the  Assem- 
bly and  Council,  said  that  the  wildest  schemes 
and  doctrines  had  been  permitted  to  pass  unre- 
buked  until  they  had  almost  acquired  the  dignity 
of  truth. 

In  New  Jersey  the  panic  put  a  most  effective 
quietus  upon  the  incorporation  of  companies,  par- 
ticularly as  in  1839  a  panic  of  minor  importance 
followed  its  greater  prototype.  It  was  not  until 
1845,  with  the  resumption  of  industrial  activity, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  251 

that  the  chartering  of  companies  became  a  feature 
of  each  legislative  session. 

Normal  economic  conditions  had  been  quite  re- 
stored by  1844,  in  which  year  was  issued  from  the 
press  Barber  and  Howe's  "  Historical  Collections 
of  the  State  of  New  Jersey."  Therein  is  presented 
a  mass  of  valuable  if  somewhat  ill-arranged  ma- 
terial relating  to  the  State.  Possibly  the  chief 
value  of  the  work  is  a  current  review  of  the  indus- 
trial conditions  of  New  Jersey,  giving  statistical 
information  as  to  the  location  of  the  various  in- 
dustries based  upon  the  personal  investigations 
of  the  compilers  and  upon  the  federal  census  of 
1840.  Such  industries  as  had  survived  the  shock 
of  1837  were,  to  a  large  degree,  permanent,  and 
from  the  re'sume'  it  is  learned  that  throughout  the 
southern  portion  of  the  State  the  glass  industry 
had  sustained  its  early  development.  In  Atlantic 
County  there  were  two  glass  houses,  one  at  Estel- 
ville  and  another  at  Hammonton.  Over  the  Cum- 
berland County  line,  at  Port  Elizabeth,  German 
blowers  had  produced  window  glassware,  while 
at  the  "  Head  "  of  Tuckahoe  River  were  the  works 
at  Marshallville.  In  Millville,  now  conspicuous 
as  a  manufacturing  community,  there  were 
five  glass  factories,  while  in  the  County  of 
Gloucester,  at  Glassboro,  the  Strangers,  skilled  ar- 
tisans, had  long  been  residents.  At  Malaga  there 
was  a  glass  works.   Winslow  had  three  factories, 


252  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

and  the  industry  had  met  with  varying  degrees 
of  success  at  Clementon,  Seven  Causeways,  and 
Williamstown.  Far  from  these,  and  strictly  iso- 
lated from  the  center  of  the  industry,  the  Jersey 
City  Glass  Company  had  engaged  in  an  enterprise 
new  to  that  section  of  the  State. 

The  stamp  of  economic  death,  by  reason  of 
competition  caused  by  the  growth  of  the  industry 
in  Northern  New  Jersey,  had  been  placed  upon 
the  "  bog  iron  "  forges,  furnaces,  and  bloomaries 
of  the  central  and  southern  counties.  But  at 
Weymouth,  in  Atlantic  County,  there  was  still  an 
iron  furnace  and  forge,  while  scattered  through 
Burlington  were  the  iron  works  at  Mary  Ann,  Bat- 
sto,  Martha,  Speedwell,  and  Union.  At  Bridge- 
ton  was  a  large  foundry  and  nail  factory,  but  the 
fires  at  iEtna  furnace,  near  Tuckahoe,  were 
turning  to  ashes.  At  Millville,  however,  the  iron 
works  were  in  active  operation,  while  in  the  limits 
of  Ocean  and  Monmouth,  comprising  Old  Mon- 
mouth, were  the  works  at  Phoenix,  Manchester, 
Dover,  Ferrago,  Howell,  Shrewsbury,  and  Allaire. 
But  in  the  northern  portion  of  the  State  nearly 
every  town  of  importance  had  become  an  iron 
manufacturing  center.  Jersey  City  had  two  foun- 
dries, while  Morris  County  was  covered  with 
forges  and  foundries.  Of  these  works  the  most 
conspicuous  was  that  of  the  East  Jersey  Iron 
Manufacturing    Company,    at    Boonton,    where, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  253 

erected  in  1830  at  a  cost  of  $283,000,  a  plant  an- 
nually produced  one  thousand  tons  of  malleable 
iron.  There  was  also  a  sheet  mill.  Pig  iron  of  a 
yearly  value  of  forty  thousand  dollars  was  manu- 
factured, while  the  output  of  wrought  iron  was 
estimated  to  be  worth  two  hundred  and  eighty 
thousand  dollars  per  annum.  To  the  employees, 
largely  Englishmen,  two  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars was  paid  yearly  in  wages.  In  old  Hanover 
Township,  in  Morris  County,  there  were  five 
forges;  in  Morristown  were  the  Speedwell  Iron 
Works;  in  Pompton  there  were  two  forges,  em- 
ploying two  hundred  and  fifty  men;  in  Rockaway 
were  two  rolling  mills,  a  steel  furnace,  an  iron 
foundry,  and  a  machine  shop;  in  Dover  was  a 
chest  for  converting  steel;  in  Roxbury  was  a  forge; 
and  in  old  Jefferson  Township  were  eleven  iron 
works.  There  were  forges  at  Ringwood,  Board- 
ville,  West  Milford,  and  Wynockie.  Into  Sussex 
the  iron  makers  had  gone,  and  forges  had  been 
erected  at  Byram,  Waterloo,  Andover,  Culver's 
Gap,  Hardiston,  and  Hamburg.  At  Sparta  there 
was  an  anchor  factory  and  at  old  Ogdensburg  hol- 
low ware  stoves  were  made.  In  Warren  County 
there  were  forges  at  Harmony,  Belvidere,  and 
Hackettstown,  the  latter  having  a  cupola,  while 
Oxford  furnace  was  credited  with  eight  hundred 
tons  of  pig  iron  per  annum.  There  were  two 
foundries  at  Lambertville. 


254 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


The  cotton  industry  was  more  evenly  distributed. 
At  Pleasant  Mills,  Atlantic  County,  there  was  a 
factory,  and  at  Almonesson,  in  old  Gloucester,  a 
factory  had  twelve  hundred  spindles  and  sixty 
power  looms.  Bloomsbury,  Hunterdon  County, 
was  a  small  center  of  cotton  manufacture;  there 
were  four  factories  in  Hanover  Township,  Morris 
County,  and  a  factory  in  Marksboro,  Warren  Coun- 
ty. The  centers  of  this  industry,  however,  were 
in  the  Counties  of  Bergen,  Essex,  and  Passaic.  In 
Franklin  Township,  Bergen  County,  were  six 
plants,  while  other  establishments  were  in  Belle- 
ville, Bloomfield,  and  Caldwell.  Paterson  boasted 
of  nine  cotton  mills,  the  manufacture  thereof 
having  been  one  of  the  objects  for  which  the 
"  Society  for  Establishing  Useful  Manufactures  " 
most  strenuously  contended.  Not  far  away,  at 
Acquackanonk,  there  was  a  factory,  as  well  as  in 
the  more  distant  towns  of  Whippany  and  Mend- 
ham. 

Capitalists  in  the  southern  counties,  however, 
had  devoted  themselves  more  particularly  to  the 
development  of  the  woolen  industry.  At  Mount 
Holly/Bridgeton,  in  Deptford  Township,  Good  In- 
tent, and  Mullica  Hill,  in  old  Gloucester  County, 
at  Swedesboro,  and  in  Ewing  Township,  near 
Trenton,  there  were  woolen  factories.  Allentown 
had  a  factory,  as  had  Mendham  in  Morris  County, 
Paterson,  and  Asbury. 


THE   OLD   DOREMTTS    HOUSE   AT   BLOOMFIELI). 


i-.-.-*:-^Si~ w 


AN  OLD  MILL  ON  SADDLE  RIVER. 


OSY  AND  AS  A  STATE  ^555 

The  manufacture  of  paper  was  conducted  at 
points  widely  separated  throughout  New  Jersey. 
In  Franklin  Township,  Bergen  County,  there  were 
live  mills,  while  in  Burlington  County  there  were 
mills  at  Mount  Holly  and  at  McCartyville,  near 
Shamong.  Bloomfleld  was  represented  in  the  in- 
dustry with  three  plants,  and  Springfield,  Essex 
County,  had  ten  mills  of  like  character.  In  Tren- 
ton there  were  three  factories.  South  Amboy, 
Monroe  and  Bridgeton  possessed  one  each.  The 
manufacturing  township  of  Hanover  in  Morris 
was  credited  with  three  and  Whippany  with  four 
mills. 

Fulling  mills  were  located  in  Mount  Holly, 
Belleville,  Bloomfleld,  Caldwell,  and  Paterson, 
while  of  the  lesser  industries  along  the  upper 
Delaware  Valley  there  were  oil  mills  at  Little 
York,  Bloomsbury,  Clinton,  Prattsville,  and  Read- 
ington  Township  in  Hunterdon  County,  and  at 
Greenwich,  Warren  County.  There  were  clover 
mills  at  Deckertown,  Marksboro,  and  Knowlton, 
plaster  mills  at  Mount  Holly,  Prattsville,  Asbury, 
and  Marksboro,  while  potteries  were  located  at 
Jersey  City,  Newton,  Camden  County,  Trenton, 
Hillsboro,  Rahway,  Perth  Amboy,  and  Roxbury 
Townships,  Morris  County.  Burlington,  most  of 
whose  mechanics  were  pledged  to  total  abstinence, 
and  supported  two  large  beneficial  societies,  was 
engaged  in  the  making  of  shoes,  Fairfield  in  Cum- 


256  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

berland  County  had  an  oakum  factory,  Plainfieid 
and  Red  Bank  manufactured  hats,  Allertown  in 
Hunterdon  County  and  Chairville,  in  Eurlington 
County,  had  chair  factories,  Trenton  supported 
tanneries,  a  rope  walk,  and  a  brewery,  Perth  Ain- 
boy  a  lock  factory,  and  Spottswood  was  prom- 
inent for  its  snuff  and  cigars.  Bound  Brook  had 
a  hay  press  and  shipped  grain  to  New  York; 
Branchville,  Sussex  County,  and  Lodi,  Bergen 
County,  had  cloth  dyeing  plants. 

The  products  of  the  woods  and  fields  were  sent 
to  market  through  a  Pittsgrove  mill  for  grinding 
sumach  leaves,  used  in  the  leather  trade,  peat  was 
dug  in  Union  County,  and  herd  grass  was  shipped 
to  New  England  from  Salem  County. 

Of  the  shipbuilding  towns,  from  which  cord 
wood  was  still  sent  for  fuel  to  the  markets  of 
Philadelphia  and  New  York,  there  were  Mays 
Landing,  Tuckerton,  Lumberton,  near  which  were 
the  Shreve  Mills,  now  Smithville,  and  Howell's 
Mills  at  Retreat,  Dennisville,  Squan,  Bridgeton, 
where  in  1779-1780  the  letter-of-marque,  "  Gov- 
ernor Livingston,"  was  built  by  the  Whigs  of 
Cumberland  and  Salem  Counties,  Tom's  River, 
Shrewsbury,  and  Allowaystown,  whose  white  oak 
rivaled  that  of  Florida. 

Moreover  the  industries  of  the  State  were  estab- 
lishing the  later  industrial  reputation  of  Newark 
and  its  vicinity.    Here  were  fashioners  of  precious 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  257 

metals,  skilled  mechanics  who  worked  in  leather, 
brewers,  and  carriage  manufacturers.  One  mil- 
lion five  hundred  thousand  dollars  represented  the 
capital  invested — a  very  large  sum  sixty  years 
ago.  The  adjacent  town  of  Bloomfield  had  a  dye 
and  print  works  and  Bloomfield  a  copper  rolling 
mill  and  a  button  factory.  Rahway  was  indus- 
trially active  with  her  factories  for  clothing,  hats, 
stoves,  calico  printing,  and  satinet  making. 

Henceforth  New  Jersey  was  to  take  her  place 
among  the  great  manufacturing  States  of  the 
Union,  and,  by  reason  of  her  location  near  the 
great  markets  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  to  become 
a  moving  power  in  the  industrial  development  of 
the  United  States. 


CHAPTER     XVI 

The     Epfobt     to     Sectjbe     Constitutional 
Rtbform 


THE  spirit  of  constitutional  reform, 
which  led  New  Hampshire,  Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware,  South  Carolina, 
and  Georgia  to  amend  their  decla- 
rations of  organic  law  before  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  left  its  impress 
upon  the  legislative  and  judicial  history  of  the 
State  of  New  Jersey.  Although  the  controversy 
concerning  the  evident  defects  in  form  and  sub- 
stance of  the  constitution  of  the  State  of  New  Jer- 
sey adopted  in  Burlington,  July  2,  1776,  led  to  no 
alteration  of  that  document,  it  brought  forward 
arguments  which  were  later  used  with  such  tell- 
ing effect  on  the  constitutional  revision  of  1844. 
One  of  the  rarest  of  New  Jersey  publications  is 
a  duodecimo  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  pages, 
printed  in  Trenton  by  G.  Craft  during  the  year 
1799.  The  title  is,  "  Eumenes,"  its  author,  William 
Griffith,  a  distinguished  lawyer  of  Burlington,  its 
object  the  "  exhibiting  some  of  the  more  prom- 
inent errors  and  omissions  of  the  Constitution 
of  New  Jersey  *  *  *  and  to  prove  the  neces- 
sity of  calling  a  convention  for  revision  and 
amendment."  "  Eumenes,"  in  part  had  for  sev- 
eral years  appeared  in  a  series  of  papers  in  Day's 
Gazette.  Of  these  weekly  productions  William 
Griffith,  in  his  own  copy  of  "  Eumenes,"  said:  "  I 
wrote  these  papers  currente  calamo,  so  far  as  re- 
spects the  style,  having  no  leisure  to  correct  the 


262  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

first  expressions,  but  the  reasonings  were  the  re- 
sult of  research  and  experience.  These  papers," 
continued  the  author,  "  excited  considerable  at- 
tention to  the  subject,  as  will  appear  from  many 
public  proceedings,  but  every  hope  finally  sunk 
under  the  effects  of  ignorant  distrust  and  design- 
ing party." 

From  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  the  pre- 
cipitancy in  its  creation  and  unfitness  in  its  struc- 
ture rendered  it  subject  to  adverse  criticism, 
which,  however,  for  years  spent  itself  in  solitary 
murmurs  or  fireside  animadversions.  Although 
the  need  of  alteration  was  evident  to  students  of 
political  conditions  a  series  of  causes  had  retarded 
the  attainment  of  this  end.  In  the  struggle  for 
liberty  in  New  Jersey  slight  regard  was  paid  to 
the  forms  of  a  constitution  or  the  "  compara- 
sons  of  theories,  which  were  to  secure  internal 
liberty  not  yet  won."  The  peace  of  1783  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  season  of  experimentation  in  repair- 
ing the  ravages  of  war.  in  restoring  public  order, 
in  financing  and  in  removing  or  palliating  the 
embarrassments  of  the  life  of  the  people.  Then 
followed  the  crisis  of  the  confederacy  with  its 
"  frightful  picture  of  bankruptcy,  disunion,  and 
dissolution,"  closing  with  the  establishment  of  a 
federal  government.  Scarcely  had  the  people  of 
New  Jersey  an  opportunity  to  enjoy  the  blessings 
of  a  firm  and  responsible  administration  of  na- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  263 

tional  affairs  ere  European  complications  di- 
verted the  attention  of  New  Jersey  from  internal 
matters,  and  particularly  from  a  revision  of  the 
constitution  of  the  State. 

During  the  November  session  of  the  Legislature 
in  1790  the  subject  was  discussed,  and,  according 
to  Griffith,  four  propositions  were  presented 
by  the  opponents  of  the  proposed  convention.  It 
was  first  suggested  that  the  "  charter  "  had  been 
fairly  and  freely  chosen  by  the  people,  and  there- 
fore possessed  "  a  presumption  of  fitness."  To  this 
was  added  the  plea  that,  bad  as  the  constitution 
proved  to  be,  it  was  possible  to  make  it  worse. 
Thirdly,  the  Legislature's  right  to  call  a  conven- 
tion was  questioned;  and,  fourthly,  the  existence 
of  "  considerable  errors  "  was  broadly  denied. 

The  inherent  weakness  of  these  arguments  is 
presented  at  length  in  "  Eumenes."  Griffith  is 
strenuous  in  his  denial  that  the  constitution  was 
the  free  act  of  the  people.  A  document  drawn  up 
in  eight  days  during  a  session  of  a  temporary 
Legislature  gave  neither  time  for  discussion  nor 
were  the  members  of  the  Provincial  Congress  in- 
fallible. While  the  constitution  must  be  consid- 
ered obligatory,  as  adopted  by  the  authority  of  the 
people,  it  was  in  no  sense,  by  reason  of  its  incom- 
pleteness, permanent.  Indeed  its  sole  reason  for 
being  was  to  be  found  in  the  resolution  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  which  called  upon  each  of 


264  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

the  colonies  to  devise  a  temporary  government  for 
itself. 

The  design  of  the  members  of  the  Provincial 
Congress  was  to  create  a  form  of  government 
which  would  save  from  anarchy  when  the  alter- 
natives of  violent  disruption  from  the  crown  or 
abject  submission  to  ministerial  tyranny  were  of- 
fered the  people  of  New  Jersey.  Indeed  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress  itself  was  chosen  by  a  minority 
of  the  people,  while  only  thirty-five  of  the  sixty- 
five  delegates  voted  for  or  against  the  adoption  of 
the  State  constitution.  Nor  was  there  in  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress  a  representation  by  population. 
Cape  May  had  five  members  with  a  population  of 
twenty-five  hundred  to  offset  an  equal  number  of 
representatives  from  Hunterdon  with  over  twen- 
ty thousand,  or  five  from  Sussex  with  nearly  twen- 
ty thousand. 

To  the  claim  that  revision  might  lead  to  the 
assumption  of  greater  evils  the  author  of 
"  Eumenes  "  shows  that  the  experience  of  South 
Carolina,  Maryland,  Georgia,  Vermont,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  particularly  Pennsylvania  produced 
no  public  disaster,  and  that  the  people  of  New 
Jersey  could  be  equally  trusted.  In  1790,  when 
the  failure  to  secure  revision  turned  upon  "  a 
scramble  about  the  senatorial  appointments  in 
Congress,"  and  in  1797,  when  the  Legislature  bru- 
tally refused  to  submit  the  question  of  revision  to 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  265 

a  vote  of  the  people,  both  failures  were  charge- 
able to  the  intense  conservatism  or  selfishness  of 
the  legislators.  Indeed,  among  the  multitude  of 
wise  sayings  and  adages  warning  against  innova- 
tion an  objector  to  the  proposed  convention 
quoted  the  fable  of  the  fox  and  geese,  in  which  he 
compared  an  advocate  for  change  to  a  fox  and  the 
Legislature  to  a  flock  of  geese! 

To  the  remaining  objections  Mr.  Griffith  cited 
the  provision  of  the  federal  constitution  that  each 
State  was  guaranteed  a  republican  form  of  gov- 
ernment, and  claimed  by  his  subsequent  argument 
that  the  constitution  was  by  no  means  perfect  in 
form  and  substance. 

Against  the  terminology  of  the  constitution,  in 
the  constant  use  of  the  word  "  colony  "  and  the 
recognition  of  a  provincial  form  of  government 
under  the  British  crown,  the  batteries  of 
"  Eumenes  "  were  next  directed.  This  was  upon 
the  contention  that  the  form  of  the  government 
should  be  adapted  to  its  actual  political  condi- 
tions. The  Legislature,  in  1777  and  in  1783,  did 
violence  to  the  charter  when,  without  submitting 
proposed  changes  to  the  people,  acts  were  passed 
substituting  the  word  "  State "  for  "  colony," 
while  in  the  case  of  the  great  seal  a  legislative 
committee  took  this  action  without  any  authority 
whatever.  But  more  important  was  the  unwise 
provision    which   directed   that   the   Legislature 


266  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

meet  annually  upon  the  fourth  Tuesday  in  Octo- 
ber, a  period  of  vast  importance  to  the  farmer, 
who  could  ill  afford  to  leave  his  garnered  crops 
and  delay  providing  the  home  against  the  inclem- 
encies of  the  winter  season. 

Nor  were  the  ten  days  intervening  between  the 
close  of  elections  and  the  meeting  of  the  Legisla- 
ture sufficient  time  for  the  members  to  prepare 
for  a  journey  and  reach  the  seat  of  governnment. 
During  twenty  years  the  Legislature  contained 
on  an  average  eighteen  new  members  a  year  out 
of  a  total  representation  of  fifty-two,  and  in  the 
ten  days  members  had  not  the  opportunity  to  be- 
come acquainted  with  the  needs  of  the  State,  and 
were  consequently  ill  prepared  to  take  part  in  dis- 
cussion. Added  to  this  was  the  expense  of  the 
consequent  adjourned  session,  which  expense 
could  well  be  diverted  to  public  improvements. 

The  question  of  female  suffrage  was  a  mooted 
one  in  the  interpretation  of  the  constitution.  The 
fourth  article  of  the  organic  law,  in  adjusting  the 
elective  franchise  relative  to  voting  for  members 
of  the  House  of  Assembly,  said  "  All  inhabitants 
of  this  colony  of  full  age,"  etc.  Immediately  a 
diversity  of  practice  arose,  and  women  were  ac- 
cepted or  rejected  as  it  suited  the  views  of  election 
officers.  In  towns  women  frequently  voted,  giv- 
ing the  centers  of  population  an  unfair  advantage 
over    the    country.    Griffith    expressed    himself 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  267 

strongly  when  he  said  that  "  women,  generally, 
are  neither  by  nature,  nor  habit,  nor  education, 
nor  by  their  necessary  condition  in  society,  fitted 
to  perform  this  duty  with  credit  to  themselves,  or 
advantage  to  the  public."  "  It  is,"  he  added,  "  per- 
fectly disgusting  to  witness  the  manner  in  which 
women  are  polled  at  our  elections.  Nothing  can 
be  a  greater  mockery  of  this  invaluable  and  sacred 
right  than  to  suffer  it  to  be  exercised  by  persons 
who  do  not  even  pretend  to  any  judgment  on  the 
subject."  Further,  under  the  construction  of  the 
word  "  inhabitants,"  whose  only  limitation  was  a 
year's  residence  in  the  county,  aliens  were  ad- 
mitted to  the  franchise.  Griffith  estimated  that 
five  thousand  aliens  in  New  Jersey,  or  a  fortieth 
of  the  total  population,  were  thus  affected,  and 
that  a  portion  of  these,  in  turn,  influenced  elec- 
tions, although  the  voters  were  often  ignorant  and 
insolent. 

The  author  of  "  Eumenes  "  further  argues  that 
the  framers  of  the  constitution  could  not  have 
foreseen  that  New  Jersey  would  soon  become  "the 
rendezvous  of  aliens  and  the  theater  of  foreign  in- 
trigue and  influence."  Under  such  conditions 
"  the  vilest  of  criminals,  convicted  and  trans- 
ported, by  inhabiting  one  year  in  the  State,  and 
swearing  true  or  false,  that  he  is  worth  £50, 
stands  upon  as  high  ground  of  privilege  as  the 
most  virtuous  a^d  useful  citizens.     *     *     *     Our 


268  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

polls  swarm  with  the  very  refuse  of  English, 
Irish,  Dutch,  and  French  emigrations  and  trans- 
portations, with  the  worst  sort  of  people  from 
the  neighboring  States,  fugitives  from  justice,  ab- 
sconding debtors;  and,  in  short,  ail  people  whom 
convenience,  inclination,  intrigue,  or  crimes  in- 
duce to  take  footing  in  the  State.*'  Into  this  sit- 
uation a  number  of  the  commonwealths  fell,  al- 
though various  remedies  were  suggested  and 
adopted  by  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  Georgia,  and 
Vermont.  To  correct  the  difficulty  Griffith  recom- 
mended that  New  Jersey  enact  in  substance  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  regarding  the  qualifi- 
cations of  federal  citizenship,  and  that  the  alien  be 
likewise  bound  to  allegiance  to  the  State. 

It  will  be  seen,  in  recapitulation,  that  under  the 
State  constitution  of  1776  all  inhabitants  of  New 
Jersey  who  were  worth  fifty  pounds,  and  resided 
in  the  county  one  year,  were  entitled  to  vote  for 
State  and  federal  representatives.  This  included 
all  men,  slaves  or  free,  white  or  black,  who  were 
natives,  as  well  as  all  unmarried  native  women. 
There  were  also  aliens  and  subjects  of  foreign  gov- 
ernments, not  citizens  of  the  United  States,  in- 
cluding convicts,  fugitives  from  justice,  and  emi- 
grants, including  all  persons  from  other  parts  of 
the  United  States,  of  every  description.  No  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  State  or  the  United  States  was 
required.    Those  who  desired  to  reform  the  eon- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  269 

stitution  contended  that  freemen  only  should  be 
admitted  to  vote.  These  freemen  should  be  na- 
tive citizens  of  New  Jersey  or  naturalized  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  and  be  residents  of  the  coun- 
ty for  a  reasonable  time,  pay  taxes,  or  perhaps 
possess  some  other  equivalent  qualification.  They 
should  also  be  required  to  declare  their  allegiance 
to  the  State  of  New  Jersey  should  occasion  arise. 
In  the  matter  of  establishing  a  property  qualifi- 
cation as  a  prerequisite  for  the  exercise  of  the  suf- 
frage the  members  of  the  Provincial  Congress 
which  met  in  New  Brunswick  upon  January  31, 
1776,  found  themselves  confronted  by  a  series  of 
petitions  which  showed  that  the  spirit  of  a  wider 
extension  of  the  franchise  was  permeating  the 
province.  From  Somerset  County  came  an  address 
desiring  that  none  but  freeholders  be  admitted  to 
vote  for  delegates  to  the  Provincial  Congress. 
To  this  Essex  and  Morris  Counties  added  their 
voices,  and  further  urged  that  money  at  interest 
and  other  effects  bear  an  equal  proportion  of  the 
taxes.  "  Sundry  inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Mid- 
dlesex," as  well  as  of  the  Township  of  Piscataway 
also  petitioned  that  money  at  interest  be  taxed. 
To  the  matter  of  determining  the  qualification  of 
voters  during  the  session  of  the  Congress  the  Mon- 
mouth County  committee,  upon  February  13th, 
sent  to  Congress  a  remonstrance  against  any  ac- 
tion whatever.    A  discussion  occurred,  and  upon 


270  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

the  16th  of  February  the  question  was  put  to  Con- 
gress "  Whether  every  person  of  full  age  who  hath 
immediately  preceding  the  election  resided  one 
whole  year  in  any  county  of  this  Colony,  and  is 
worth  at  least  fifty  pounds  in  real  or  personal 
estate,  shall  be  admitted  to  vote  in  the  County 
wherein  he  resides  for  representatives  in  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress  or  not?  "  The  vote  taken  decided 
the  matter  in  the  affirmative,  in  which  manner 
voted  the  Counties  of  Burlington,  Cumberland, 
Essex,  Gloucester,  Hunterdon,  Middlesex,  Morris, 
Salem  and  Sussex.  In  the  negative  were  recorded 
Bergen,  Cape  May,  Monmouth,  and  Somerset. 

But  few  restraints  were  placed  upon  those 
chosen  as  members  of  the  House  of  Assembly  and 
Council.  In  each  case  the  candidate  was  obliged 
to  be  an  inhabitant  and  freeholder  in  the  county 
where  chosen,  for  one  year  previous  to  election.  If 
elected  to  the  Council  he  was  required  to  be  worth 
one  thousand  pounds  within  the  same  county, 
and  if  to  the  Assembly  five  hundred  pounds.  Un- 
der such  conditions  a  person  could  be  chosen  who 
was  under  twenty-one  years  of  age,  who  was 
neither  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  nor  a  citizen 
of  New  Jersey,  and  who  was  not  bound  by  an 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  State,  as  well  as  one  who 
had  been  convicted  of  an  infamous  crime. 

"  Eumenes,"  in  the  discussion  upon  the  provi- 
sion of  the  constitution  requiring  property  as  a 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  271 

qualification  for  electors,  enters  largely  upon  two 
objections.  The  article  in  the  organic  law  said 
the  electors  should  be  "  worth  £50  proclamation 
money,  clear  estate."  This  provision  was  faulty; 
it  did  not  prescribe  by  what  evidence  it  should  be 
ascertained  that  the  voter  was  worth  that  sum. 
Under  the  oath  administered:  "I  verily  believe 
that  I  am  worth  £50  clear  estate,"  a  voter  who 
knew  that  all  the  property  he  ever  had  was  not 
worth  that  sum  justified  himself  by  saying  that 
he  valued  himself  at  a  great  deal  more  than  that 
amount,  while  other  voters,  less  casuistical,  sup- 
plied the  word  "  of,"  taking  their  oath  "  of  clear 
estate  "  instead  of  "  clear  estate."  Under  a  legis- 
lative act  the  judges  and  inspectors  of  elections 
were  authorized  to  administer  to  voters  this  oath 
to  ascertain  the  fact  of  property.  A  lack  of  uni- 
formity in  practice  led  to  perjury,  corruption, 
partiality,  and  to  the  practical  disenfranchise- 
ment  of  those  who  did  not  care  to  disclose  their 
financial  condition,  including  those  who  were 
traders,  beginners  in  business,  small  farmers,  and 
young  professional  men. 

As  a  substitute  for  the  property  qualification 
Griffith  recommended  a  system  of  justly  assessed 
personal  taxation  to  all  who  paid  a  share 
in  government.  The  criterion  of  taxation  as  a 
basis   of   extension    of   the    franchise    had    been 


272  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

adopted  by  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  South  Caro- 
lina, New  Hampshire,  and  Georgia. 

The  question  of  equality  in  representation  had, 
under  the  constitution,  been  left  to  a  majority  of 
Council  and  Assembly,  who  were  authorized  to 
add  to  or  diminish  the  number  or  proportion  of 
the  members  of  Assembly  for  any  county.  This 
rendered  "  the  Legislature  an  improper  depository 
of  a  franchise  "  when  "  means  of  persuasion,  se- 
duction, and  imposition  "  were  so  well  understood 
and  so  successfully  practiced.  In  1797  gerryman- 
der was  attempted,  when,  by  act  of  March  8th, 
the  representation  of  members  of  the  Assembly 
from  Hunterdon,  Sussex,  Cumberland,  and  Cape 
May  Counties  was  so  adjusted  as  to  defeat  a 
bill  providing  for  the  abolition  of  slaves.  In  a 
manuscript  note  by  Griffith  he  adds:  "  The 
Representation  in  Council  is  not  susceptible  of 
alteration  by  the  Legislature.  Cape  May  must 
continue  to  send  one  member,  and  Hunterdon,  Sus- 
sex, and  Burlington  cannot  send  more  until  the 
constitution  shall  be  amended  by  a  convention"; 
and  although  several  constitutional  changes  have 
taken  place  the  prophecy  has  yet  failed  of  verifi- 
cation. Neither  in  the  House  of  Assembly  nor  in 
the  Council  did  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple prevail. 

It  is  a  notable  circumstance  that  the  powers  of 
the  governor  of  New  Jersey  under  the  constitu- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  273 

tion  of  1776  exceeded  those  of  any  officer  of  the 
same  rank  in  the  United  States.  There  were  no 
prerequisites  of  age,  integrity,  property,  or  citi- 
zenship. Only  fourteen  members  on  a  bare  quo- 
rum of  the  house  and  Council  sufficed  to  select 
for  the  position  a  person  who  might  have  been  a 
child,  a  bankrupt,  an  alien,  or  a  criminal  convict. 
In  the  supreme  executive  were  lodged  the  duties 
of  chancellor,  captain-general,  and  commander- 
in-chief  of  all  the  State  militia;  and  with  this  coun- 
cil he  constituted  a  court  of  appeals.  The  dissim- 
ilarity and  magnitude  of  these  duties  enhanced 
the  difficulty  of  selecting  a  capable  man  for  the 
position,  while  in  the  union  of  executive  and  judi- 
cial authority  their  incompatibility  followed  their 
joint  execution.  "  In  short,"  says  "  Eumenes," 
"  you  behold  him  brandishing  the  sword  of  war, 
then  presiding  in  the  seats  of  civil  justice,  now 
directing  a  court  martial,  and  then  pronouncing 
a  decree  in  equity:  to-day  you  see  him  gravely 
legislating  in  the  council,  and  to-morrow  he  is 
expounding  and  putting  into  execution  the 
law  which  he  has  made."  To  this  was  added 
the  argument  that  the  chancellor  in  the  per- 
son of  the  governor  held  office  only  one  year 
to  the  great  injury  of  litigants,  while  the  office 
was  constantly  exposed  to  the  vicious  attacks  of 
unscrupulous  legislators  in  attempting  to  reduce 


274  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

salaries,  while  upon  the  other  hand  he  was  unim- 
peachable for  malconduct. 

The  defects  in  the  judicial  system  under  the 
constitution  of  1770  were  no  less  apparent.  Then, 
as  now,  "  the  rage  for  law  making  certainly  sur- 
passes all  former  example,"  throwing  upon  the 
courts  the  interpretation  of  much  misconceived 
legislation.  Under  a  system  where  the  court  of 
appeals  with  a  large  lay  element  was  constantly 
changing,  where  the  governor  as  chancellor  was 
subjected  to  the  possibilities  of  annual  change,  the 
judiciary  could  be  neither  independent,  able,  nor 
active.  Thus  in  the  case  of  Stille  v.  Wood  it  was 
determined  that  the  governor  was  a  member  of 
the  court,  notwithstanding  that  when  at  the  bar 
he  was  counsel  in  the  cause  below.  This  determi- 
nation involved  another  difficulty,  as  fourteen 
members  composed  the  court,  creating  a  tie,  and 
no  decision  could  be  had. 

The  excesses  of  the  joint  meeting  called  for  the 
condemnation  of  Griffith.  The  members  selected 
one  another  for  important  offices,  while  intrigues 
of  a  political  character,  the  creation  of  new,  use- 
less, and  expensive  county  offices,  the  fifty  in- 
stances of  abolition  of  trial  by  jury  under  statute 
between  1790  and  1800,  were  but  a  few  of  the 
results  which  came  from  commingling  of  the  exec- 
utive and  legislative  departments  of  the  govern- 
ment 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  275 

Nearly  half  a  century  passed  ere  the  faults  dis- 
played in  "  Eumenes "  were  partially  rectified. 
Only  the  rare  good  sense  of  the  people  of  the 
State  in  the  selection  of  their  officials  saved  New 
Jersey  from  that  abyss  of  civil  strife  toward  which 
Pennsylvania  had  plunged  under  similar  consti- 
tutional conditions.  It  was  largely  the  personal- 
ity of  the  governors,  the  judges,  and  legislators 
that  kept  political  demagogues  from  obtaining 
power  and  leaving  behind  them  a  trail  of  corrup- 
tion. It  was  not  due  to  any  merit  of  the  make- 
shift constitution  of  1776. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

The  Constitution  of  1844 


WITH  the  onward  sweep  of  the 
democratic  spirit  in  this  period 
of  political  unrest  no  part  of  tiie 
machinery  of  State  government 
had  been  left  undiscussed  or  un- 
criticised.  For  many  years  the  glaring  errors  of 
the  fundamental  law  of  1776  had  been  recognized, 
and  once  more  the  arguments  of  "  Eumenes,"  re- 
dressed, were  brought  forward  in  the  demand  for 
better  things. 

Of  the  objections  to  the  old  constitution  the  re- 
striction of  popular  suffrage,  on  the  basis  of  prop- 
erty qualification,  was  the  one  most  frequently 
advanced.  The  governor,  it  was  said,  should  be 
deprived  of  his  power  as  chancellor,  a  power  so 
easily  abused.  The  inaccessibility  of  the  court  of 
errors  and  appeals  owing  to  the  intermingling  of 
legislative  and  judicial  functions,  was  still  a 
further  objection,  while  a  cry  went  up  that  the 
council,  filled  with  wealthy  property  owners,  was 
a  "  rich  man's  club."  In  short  the  old  constitution 
was  better  fitted  for  a  proprietary  colony  than  for 
a  State  whose  republican  institutions  were  guar- 
anteed by  the  federal  constitution. 

The  agitation,  in  which  the  State  press,  irre- 
spective of  politics,  had  taken  an  active  part,  cul- 
minated in  the  year  1843,  when  Daniel  Haines,  the 
last  governor  under  the  old  constitution,  and  a 
Democrat,  recommended    in    his  message  to  the 


280  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Legislature  that  a  constitutional  convention  be 
called.  Following  the  suggestion  of  the  governor, 
and  requiring  no  spur  of  public  sentiment,  the 
election  of  delegates  to  the  constitutional  conven- 
tion was  held  upon  the  18th  of  March,  1844,  under 
the  provisions  of  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  passed 
February  23,  which  was  accompanied  by  a  procla- 
mation of  Governor  Haines. 

The  delegates  chosen  were  sixty  in  number,  dis- 
tributed among  the  various  counties  in  accord- 
ance with  representation  in  the  House  of  Assem- 
bly. From  Atlantic  County  came  Jonathan  Pit- 
ney, from  Bergen  County  John  Cassedy  and  Abra- 
ham Westervelt.  William  R.  Allen,  Jonathan  J. 
Spencer,  Charles  Stokes,  John  C.  Ten  Eyck,  and 
Moses  Wills  were  the  delegates  from  Burlington 
County,  while  from  Camden  County  came  Abra- 
ham Browning  and  John  W.  Mickle.  From  Cape 
May  County  was  Joshua  Swain;  from  Cumberland 
County  were  Joshua  Brick,  Daniel  Elmer,  and 
William  B.  Ewing;  while  from  Essex  County,  em- 
bracing Union  County,  were  Silas  Condit,  Oliver 
S.  Halsted,  Joseph  C.  Hornblower,  David  Naar, 
William  Stites,  Elias  Van  Arsdale,  and  Isaac  H. 
Williamson.  John  R.  Sickler  and  Charles  C. 
Stratton  represented  Gloucester  County,  and  Rob- 
ert Gilchrist  came  from  Hudson  County.  The 
Hunterdon  County  delegation  was  composed  of 
Peter  I.  Clark,  David  Neighbor,  Jonathan  Pickel, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  281 

and  Alexander  Wurts.  Mercer  County  sent  Rich- 
ard  S.  Field,  Henry  W.  Green,  and  John  R.  Thomp- 
son, and  Middlesex  County  was  represented  by 
Moses  Jaques,  James  Parker,  Joseph  F.  Randolph, 
and  James  C.  Zabriskie.  Monmouth  County,  in- 
cluding Ocean  County,  elected  Bernard  Connolly, 
George  F.  Fort,  Thomas  G.  Haight,  Daniel 
Holmes,  and  Robert  Laird,  and  Morris  County  sent 
to  the  convention  Francis  Child,  Mahlon  Dicker- 
son,  Ephraim  Marsh,  and  William  N.  Wood. 
From  Passaic  County  were  Elias  B.  D.  Ogden  and 
Andrew  Parsons;  from  Salem  County  Alexander 
G.  Cattell,  John  H.  Lambert,  and  Richard  P. 
Thompson;  and  from  Somerset  County  George  H. 
Brown,  Ferdinand  S.  Schenck,  and  Peter  D. 
Vroom.  The  Sussex  County  delegation  was  com- 
posed of  John  Bell,  Joseph  E.  Edsall,  and  Martin 
Ryerson,  while  that  of  Warren  County  contained 
Samuel  Hibbler,  Phineas  B.  Kennedy,  and  Robert 
S.  Kennedy. 

This  was  indeed  a  notable  body  of  men.  Dur- 
ing the  period  of  the  Civil  War  John  C.  Ten  Eyck 
was  to  sit  in  the  United  States  Senate,  as  was 
John  R.  Thompson  until  his  death  in  December, 
1862.  Alexander  G.  Cattell  was  later  a  federal 
senator.  Mahlon  Dickerson  had  already  been 
from  1829  to  1833  a  member  of  that  body.  Two 
ex-governors,  Peter  D.  Vroom  and  Isaac  H.  Will- 
iamson, were  among  the  number,  while  Charles 


1Z82 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


^ 


C.  Stratton  was  to  become  the  first  governor  of  the 
State  under  the  new  document  which  he  helped 
to  prepare.  Henry  W.  Green  was  soon  to  occupy 
the  office  of  chief  justice  and  later  that  of  chan- 
cellor, which  latter  office  was  shortly  to  be  filled 
by  Oliver  S.  Halsted.  Joseph  C.  Hornblower  had 
long  been  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
while  of  associate  justices  there  were  Daniel  El- 
mer and  Elias  B.  D.  Ogden.  Alexander  Wurts, 
Abraham  Browning,  and  Richard  P.  Thompson 
had  been  or  were  to  be  attorney-generals  of  the 
State,  while  many  of  the  other  members  had  sat 
in  Congress  or  the  State  Legislature,  and  all  were 
conversant  with  the  needs  of  New  Jersey. 

Rarely  if  ever  had  so  large,  so  able,  a  body  met 
within  the  limits  of  the  commonwealth,  or  a  body 
more  thoroughly  patriotic.  From  the  long  but 
never  acrimonious  or  personal  discussions  all  par- 
tisanship was  eliminated.  The  delegates  had  an 
*  eye  single  to  the  good  of  the  State. 

The  convention  met  in  Trenton  upon  the  14th 
of  May,  1844,  unanimously  electing  ex-Governor 
Isaac  H.  Williamson  as  its  president;  William 
Paterson,  of  Middlesex  County,  as  its  secretary; 
Thomas  J.  Saunders,  of  the  county  of  Gloucester, 
as  assistant  secretary;  and  William  Napton,  of 
Trenton,  as  sergeant-at-arms. 

In  the  consideration  of  the  business  of  the  con- 
vention the  delegates  were  divided  into  various 


erten  Hornblower,  L.L.D.,  son  of  Josiah, 
an  eminent  engineer;  6.  Belleville,  N.  J.,  May  8, 
1777 ;  lawyer  1803 ;  chief  justice  of  the  New  Jersey 
Supreme  Court  1832-46;  member  State  constitutional 
convention  1844 ;  professor  of  law  at  Princeton  18*7 ; 
vice-president  Republican  national  convention  1886; 
president  Republican  electoral  college  of  New  Jersey 
i860;  a  founder  and  president  New  Jersey  Historical 
Society  1845-64 :  d.  Newark,  N.  J.,  June  11,  1864. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  283 

committees,  each  charged  with  consideration  of 
the  "  respective  parts  of  the  constitution  to  be 
formed."  Of  the  committee  upon  the  legislative 
department  the  chairman  was  ex-Governor  Peter 
D.  Vroom;  of  the  executive  department  the  chair- 
man was  Joseph  C.  Hornblower;  of  the  judiciary 
department  the  chairman  was  Elias  Van  Arsdale; 
of  the  appointing  power  the  chairman  was  Mah- 
lon  Dickerson;  of  the  right  of  suffrage  the  chair- 
man was  John  R.  Thompson;  of  the  provision  for 
future  amendments  the  chairman  was  Joshua 
Brick;  of  the  parts  not  referred  to  other  commit- 
tees the  chairman  was  Jonathan  J.  Spencer;  and 
of  the  bill  of  rights  the  chairman  was  James 
Parker. 

Through  the  advocacy  of  the  measure  by  David 
Naar  stenographic  reporters  secured  a  complete 
record  of  the  proceedings  of  the  convention — the 
first  instance  of  its  kind  in  the  State. 

It  was  upon  the  28th  of  June  that  the  conven- 
tion finished  its  labors,  and  upon  that  day  the  con- 
stitution was  finally  adopted,  there  being  only 
one  vote  in  the  negative,  which  was  cost  by  Silas 
Condit,  of  Essex  County,  while  Charles  Stokes, 
of  Burlington  County,  member  of  the  Society  of 
Friends,  received  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
convention  that  he  be  "  excused  from  voting  on 
account  of  the  military  features  "  in  the  funda- 
mental law.    Upon  the  same  day  President  Isaac 


284  NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 

I  [.  W illiamBon,  on  account  of  physical  infirmities 
which  detained  him  at  his  home  in  Elizabeth,  re- 
signed his  office,  his  successor  being  Alexander 
Wurts,  who  was  unanimously  selected.  Imme- 
diately the  constitution  was  engrossed  on  parch- 
ment by  Eli  Morris,  ex-clerk  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
signed  by  the  members,  and  by  the  governor 
placed  in  the  custody  of  the  secretary  of  state. 

Upon  the  thirteenth  day  of  August,  1844,  the 
new  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  people  of 
the  State  for  ratification,  but  even  among  the  con- 
servative element  in  New  Jersey,  the  friends  of 
the  old  constitution  were  few.  Of  the  twenty-seven 
thousand  votes  cast  upon  the  question  of  adop- 
tion or  rejection  of  the  constitution  but  three 
thousand  five  hundred  were  recorded  as  opposed 
to  any  change. 

For  the  first  time  the  organic  law  of  New  Jer- 
sey recognized  the  distribution  of  the  three  great 
powers  of  government — executive,  judicial,  and 
legislative, — provided  an  article  declaring  the 
"  Rights  and  Privileges "  of  the  people  of  the 
State,  distinguished  the  militia  and  civil  officers 
in  the  scope  of  the  appointing  power  and  tenure 
of  their  offices,  and  provided  the  manner  in  which 
amendments  should  be  made. 

Of  the  old  forms  of  government  the  new  consti- 
tution made  some  radical  changes.  The  election 
of  governor  was  taken  from  joint  meeting,  lodged 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


285 


with  the  people,  and  the  term  of  office  was  ex- 
tended from  one  to  three  years.  He  was  deprived 
of  the  chancellorship,  this  office  devolving  upon 
a  person  especially  appointed.  The  court  of  er- 
rors and  appeals  was  no  longer  composed  of  mem- 
bers of  Council  (under  the  new  constitution  called 
Senate),  but  henceforth  consisted  of  the  chancel- 
lor, chief  justice  and  associate  justices  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  and  the  so-called  "  lay  "  judges.  To 
the  masses  the  right  of  suffrage  was  secured.  Un- 
der the  new  organic  law  the  last  cord  which  bound 
men  to  the  doctrine  of  the  political  superiority  of 
the  landed  proprietor  was  cut.  New  Jersey 
adopted  the  principle  that  every  male  citizen  of 
the  United  States  of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years, 
who  shall  have  been  a  resident  of  the  State  one 
year,  and  of  the  county  in  which  he  claimed  his 
vote  five  months,  next  before  election,  should  be 
entitled  to  vote  for  all  elective  officers.  Those  to 
whom  the  right  of  suffrage  was  denied  were  pau- 
pers, idiots,  insane  persons,  and  unpardoned  per- 
sons convicted  of  a  crime  which  would  exclude 
them  from  being  witnesses,  together  with  those 
barred  by  statute,  after  conviction  for  bribery. 

In  spite  of  the  drastic  changes,  some  of  the 
spirit  if  not  the  letter  of  the  constitution  of  177G 
remained.  With  the  governor  still  rested  the 
power  of  appointing  the  State  judiciary,  as 
well    as    many    of    the    State    officials,    subject 


t/ihqlu&u  ttcta-frurUjcriL 


Abraham  Bruyn  Hasbrouck,  L.L..D.,  president  of 
Rutgers  College  1840-60;  b.  Kingston,  N.  Y.,  Nov., 
1791;  grad.  Yale  College  1810;  admitted  to  New  Y:>rk 
bar  1813;  member  of  Congress  1826:  eminent  consti- 
tutional lawyer  ;  founder  and  president  Ulster  County 
(N.  Y.)  Historical  Society;  i.  Kingston,  N.  Y.,  Feb. 
23,  1879. 


286  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

to  confirmation  by  the  Senate,  and  also  the 
prosecutor  of  the  pleas  (district  attorney)  of  the 
various  counties.  Since  the  days  of  Queen  Anne 
this  practice  had  marked  the  policy  of  the  colony 
and  the  State,  as  had  been  the  doctrine  of  an  ap- 
pointive judiciary.  New  Jersey  has  never  had  an 
elective  judiciary,  except  justices  of  the  peace,  nor 
have  the  people  ever  voted  for  State  officials  or 
for  county  officers,  except  sheriffs,  clerks  (reg- 
isters of  deeds),  surrogates  (registers  of  wills), 
coroners,  and  members  of  the  boards  of  chosen 
freeholders  (county  commissioners). 

In  the  distribution  of  the  members  of  the  Sen- 
ate the  power  of  the  smaller  counties  influenced 
the  convention  to  reject  all  propositions  leading 
to  the  adoption  of  any  plan  providing  for  sena- 
torial districts.  County  pride  reflected  the  same 
sentiment  prevailing  in  the  days  of  the  adoption 
of  the  federal  constitution,  when  the  smaller 
States  fought  for  senatorial  representation  on  a 
territorial  basis. 

In  the  main,  however,  the  plan  and  scope  of  the 
constitution  of  177G  had  been  abandoned,  except 
so  far  as  its  spirit  was  sustained  in  preserving  an 
appointive  judiciary,  in  the  manner  of  selecting 
State  officials,  and  in  designating  senatorial  repre- 
sentation by  counties.  The  work  of  the  constitu- 
tional convention  of  1844  was  first  to  eliminate 
and  then  to  create.    That  this  work  was  well  done 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  287 

has  been  shown,  for  with  the  exception  of  the 
amendments  adopted  in  1875  and  1897  the  organic 
law  of  1844  still  remains  the  constitution  of  the 
State  of  New  Jersey. 


i2   JV*«.sy     :- 


4fou/t2t£    sua*.   $  CS^t^cL  — .  e/^^~La^£^&L     ^c*-c    vfzx-gJL  " 
<7vL&     /^isvuijrisi,    0J?  ^£'a^ie^    &t~e>~3sue-   /yi*.c*t~y    sjz^^cjz.  «_ 

fade  cut     &^>o^    Ispt.   7^14    <l£u^?>i^&L   fozJ^zr?**.     ^£\a^fj.^4ju>y 
c^C^.     i4s>*sL4n<c.    <a^  s/tc^exi,  <w^&r>t**-  sw^&*~*^    <_rx-*-H^a.*«_ 


CHAPTER    XVIII 
Dorothea  Dix  and  Her  Mission 


o 


F  ALL  the  evils  afflicting  the  body 
politic  the  condition  of  the  depend- 
ent, defective,  and  delinquent  classes 
throughout  the  State  demanded  the 
most  immediate  reform.  The  in- 
tense conservatism  of  the  people  of  New  Jersey 
had  long  made  them  deaf  to  the  feeble  cry  for 
betterment  that  came  from  isolated  groups  of  agi- 
tators. From  England  the  State  had  inherited  the 
system  of  public  county  jails,  ostensibly  designed 
for  the  safe-keeping  of  criminals,  of  the  vagrant 
poor,  and  of  poor  debtors.  But  in  New  Jersey,  as 
elsewhere,  the  practice  had  arisen  of  committing 
to  jail  those  whose  helplessness  should  appeal  to 
every  humane  sentiment.  No  other  channel  being 
open,  there  drifted  into  the  jails  the  insane,  the 
idiotic,  orphaned  children,  as  well  as  aged  men 
and  women.  Here  were  gathered  the  dregs  of  hu- 
manity, broken  wrecks  of  once  powerful  minds 
and  bodies,  toddling  boys  and  girls — cast  into 
these  cesspools  of  vice.  Each  jail  was  indeed 
Bedlam,  rendered  horrible  by  the  intermingling 
of  men  and  women  hardened  to  vice,  to  whom  rum 
was  secretly  supplied  if  they  had  money  with 
which  to  pay  the  bills.  In  other  words  the  gen- 
eral policy  was  to  commit  to  the  jail  every  one 
liable  to  become  a  State,  county,  or  township 
charge.  The  food  in  the  jails  was  usually  poor 
and  insufficient,  and  the  ventilation  and  sanita- 


292  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

tion  indescribable.  There  were  cultured  the  germs 
of  disease,  which  not  only  decimated  the  inmates, 
but  spread  throughout  the  nearby  territory.  Yet 
no  one  was  to  blame.  It  was  the  fault  of  a  system 
too  thoroughly  established  for  the  binding  con- 
servatism of  the  time  to  alter.  Nor  was  it  until 
the  advent  of  this  era  of  remarkable  intellectual 
activity  that  any  permanent  reform  was  advo- 
cated. 

In  the  legislative  year  of  1837-38  the  House  of 
Assembly  and  Council  took  the  first  official  notice 
of  the  disgraceful  condition  of  affairs.  Upon  the 
9th  of  April,  1838,  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
gather  statistics  concerning  lunacy  and  idiocy  in 
New  Jersey,  to  suggest  effectual  means  of  relief, 
and  to  ascertain  if  an  asylum  for  the  care  and 
possible  cure  of  the  insane  and  idiotic  were  neces- 
sary. The  members  of  this  body  were  Lewis  Con- 
dit,  of  Morris  County,  Augustus  F.  Taylor,  of  Mid- 
dlesex County,  Dr.  Charles  G.  McChesney,  of  Mer- 
cer County,  Lucius  Q.  C.  Elmer,  of  Cumberland 
County,  and  Dr.  L.  A.  Smith,  of  Essex  County.  In 
its  investigations  the  committee  found  that  there 
were  in  New  Jersey  three  hundred  and  thirty- 
eight  lunatics  and  three  hundred  and  fifty-eight 
idiots,  many  of  whom  were  roving  at  large  or  else 
confined  in  poorhouses  and  jails,  as  in  the  case  of 
a  twenty-eight-year-old  woman  in  the  Gloucester 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  293 

County  jail,  who  had  been  kept  in  chains  for 
twelve  years. 

But  the  publication  of  this  report  and  the 
hearty  recommendation  that  an  asylum  be  con- 
structed failed  to  thoroughly  arouse  the  State.  It 
remained  for  a  woman,  Dorothea  Lynde  Dix,  who 
but  a  few  years  ago  died  in  Trenton,  to  awaken 
the  public  conscience  and  stir  the  laggard  Legis- 
latures to  activity. 

In  that  remarkable  series  of  philanthropic  visi- 
tations which  she  made  throughout  the  United 
States  Miss  Dix  inspected  nearly  all  the  jails  and 
poorhouses  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  She 
found  a  portion  of  the  inmates  plunged  into  a 
state  of  savagery.  The  blind  and  aged  were  un- 
assisted, the  children  unschooled,  deprived  of  re- 
ligious instruction,  and  learning  only  the  lessons 
of  dependency  and  criminality.  But,  worse  than 
all,  those  who  were  idiotic  and  insane  were  kept 
little  better  than  wild  beasts,  sent  to  the  county 
institutions  because  there  was  no  other  place  of 
refuge,  and  fastened  in  cells  because  their  keepers 
were  either  afraid  of  personal  violence  or  did  not 
want  the  trouble  of  giving  them  attention. 

This  dark  picture  of  neglect  was  painted  by  Miss 
Dix  in  a  "  Memorial "  to  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  which  she  made  late  in  the  month  of  Janu- 
ary, 1844.  Her  action  had  been  taken  largely 
upon  her  own  responsibility,  yet  its  very  disinter- 


294  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

estedness  won  for  her  "  Memorial "  a  wide  recog- 
nition. Her  straightforward  unmasking  of  evils, 
her  enthusiasm  for  those  who  had  no  special  plead- 
er, and  her  wide  sympathy  appealed  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Legislature  and  stimulated,  as  no  of- 
ficial communication  had  done,  a  popular  interest. 
Thus  the  "  Memorial  "  easily  took  precedence  over 
every  State  document  of  the  period.  It  was  in 
brief  the  presentation  of  a  series  of  observations 
made  upon  the  social  condition  of  idiots,  epilep- 
tics, and  the  insane  poor  in  the  State  of  New  Jer- 
sey. 

The  argument  of  Miss  Dix,  leading  to  an  impera- 
tive demand  for  the  erection  of  a  "  State  Asylum 
for  Insane  Persons,"  was  based  upon  a  request  for 
the  consideration  of  the  claims  "  of  this  large  and 
much  neglected  class  of  sufferers,"  and  the  asking 
that  justice  be  done  these  "  helpless,  friendless 
men  and  women,"  who  were  lodged  "  in  jails  and 
poorhouses  and  wandering  at  will  over  the  coun- 
ty *  *  ♦  These,  whether  the  subjects  of 
public  bounty  or  private  charity,  are  inappropri- 
ately treated  for  recovery  or  injudiciously  man- 
aged through  ignorance  or  limitation  of  suitable 
means;  thus  they  are  left  to  exposures  and  suffer- 
ings, at  once  pitiable  and  revolting."  Nothing, 
she  continued,  came  from  the  report  of  the  com- 
missioners during  1839,  and  it  was  against  a  sys- 
tem, or  lack  of  system,  and  not  against  individ- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  295 

uals,  that  the  "  Memorial  "  was  directed.  As  a  re- 
view also  of  the  condition  of  jails  and  poorhouses 
in  New  Jersey  during  the  middle  of  the  century 
this  report  is  of  the  highest  value. 

In  Salem  County,  in  an  inconvenient  but  clean 
jail,  there  were  no  beds,  as  none  were  required 
by  law.  The  poorhouse  was  well  conducted,  but 
the  children  were  without  schooling  and  religious 
instruction.  Epileptics  and  insane  were  gathered 
in  the  building;  one  who  had  been  crazy  for  thirty 
years  had  been  out  of  his  apartment  "  but  ten 
times  in  more  than  nineteen  years."  A  little  cell, 
in  which  another  maniac  was  chained  by  the  leg, 
was  warmed  by  a  small  stove  pipe  which  passed 
through  a  corner  of  the  room.  Violent  homicidal 
propensities  were  corrected  by  beatings,  the 
keeper  using  a  stick  of  wood  for  the  purpose.  In  a 
basement  of  the  poorhouse  was  a  feeble  old  man, 
who  through  reverses  had  lost  his  property  and 
had  been  committed  as  a  pauper.  For  a  while 
violently  insane,  he  had  been  chained  "  for 
safety."  Here  ended  the  life  history  of  one  who 
had  been  a  member  of  the  bar,  of  the  Legislature, 
and  judge  of  the  county  court. 

Similar  conditions,  but  not  so  extreme,  existed 
in  the  jails  and  poorhouses  of  the  Counties  of 
Cumberland,  Cape  May,  and  Gloucester.  In  the 
latter  county  the  cells  for  the  insane  were  under 


296  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

the  direction  of  a  pauper,  who  was  called  the 
"  keeper." 

Owing  to  the  difficulty  of  securing  adequate 
arrangements  the  pauper  insane  of  Burlington 
County  were  kept  in  "  dreary  confined  cells,  in- 
sufficiently lighted,  insufficiently  warmed,  and 
pervaded  with  foul  air  to  an  intolerable  de- 
gree." Their  place  of  detention  was  the  poor- 
house.  Near  one  of  the  poorhouses  of  the  Coun- 
ty of  Monmouth  was  a  small  brick  building, 
containing  on  the  first  floor  two  small  cells,  each 
having  a  straw  bed,  blankets  spread  upon  the 
floor,  with  a  ring  bolt  and  iron  chains  for  securing 
the  patient,  while  from  another  poorhouse  in  the 
same  county  one  of  the  pauper  insane  had  wan- 
dered away,  and  had  been  gone  three  months  with- 
out any  attempt  being  made  to  find  him.  In  Mid- 
dlesex County  one  of  the  poorhouses  contained  a 
crazy  man  who  was  chained  "  in  a  sort  of  box  "  or 
pen,  while  in  another  was  a  madman  naked,  ex- 
cept for  a  laced  straight- jacket,  raving  in  a  cold, 
damp  cell. 

The  Essex  County  jail  contained  offenders  of 
both  sexes,  of  all  ages  and  nationalities.  Indis- 
criminately thrown  together,  the  jail,  said  Miss 
Dix,  "  was  the  primary  school  and  the  normal 
school  for  the  State  prison,"  confirming  the  vi- 
cious propensities  and  educating  the  criminal  to 
more  criminal  enterprises.     The  poor,  in  certain 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  297 

Essex  townships,  were  "  set  off  to  the  lowest  bid- 
der," or  those  who  agreed  to  take  them  for  a  given 
time  at  the  lowest  rates.  This  system,  if  such  it 
may  be  called,  also  prevailed  in  Mercer,  Somerset, 
and  Bergen  Counties.  In  Elizabeth  and  Jersey 
City  the  situation  was  somewhat  better,  but  in 
Passaic  County  the  condition  of  the  poorhouse 
was  intolerable.  "  The  occupied  rooms  were  posi- 
tively loathsome,"  and  the  place  cost  three  thou- 
sand dollars  per  annum  for  its  maintenance.  The 
jails  of  Morris  and  Sussex  Counties  were  in  fair 
condition,  but  the  poorhouse  of  Morris,  with  its 
cells  "  dark,  damp,  and  unfurnished,  unwarmed 
and  unventilated,"  was  a  disgrace.  From  War- 
ren and  Mercer  Counties  the  reports  as  to  the  con- 
dition of  the  jails  were  more  encouraging. 

The  care  of  these  unfortunate  creatures  could 
be  no  longer  delayed.  A  commission  to  select  a 
suitable  site  for  an  insane  asylum  having  been 
appointed,  a  location  in  Ewing  Township  not  dis- 
tant, even  then,  from  the  limits  of  the  City  of 
Trenton  was  chosen.  From  the  latter  part  of  the 
year  1845  until  the  red  sandstone  building,  with 
its  Ionic  porch,  designed  by  Notman,  was  opened 
on  the  15th  of  May,  1848,  there  was  no  lack  of 
interest  in  a  structure  devoted  to  such  novel  uses. 
But  from  that  group  of  fifty  patients  who  first  en- 
tered its  portals  in  1848  there  has  grown  an  army 
of  nearly  ten  thousand, — those  to  whom  the  State 
has  extended  a  lifting,  helping  hand. 


CHAPTER    XIX 
A  Phalanx,  and  Why  it  Failed 


IN  THE  midst  of  the  turmoil,  in  the  days  of 
social  unrest,  rare  indeed  was  the  State  in 
which  some  effort  had  not  been  made  to 
establish  a  colony  whose  founders  hoped 
thereby  to  accomplish  the  regeneration  of 
the  social  order.  To  well-meaning  men  New  Jer- 
sey offered  an  attractive  field.  In  its  very  foun- 
dation leaders  among  its  settlers  had  laid  their 
town  and  plantation  sites  upon  such  lines. 
William  Penn  and  his  friends,  in  the  settlement  of 
Burlington,  were  moved  by  altruistic  considera- 
tions, and  saw  arising  in  the  wilderness  of  West 
Jersey  a  future  state — an  aristocratic  democracy, 
if  it  may  be  so  termed,  wherein,  by  reason  of  the 
teaching  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  peace  would 
reign  forever.  Nor  were  the  Connecticut  settlers 
of  Newark  less  sincere.  Theirs  was  a  church 
militant,  a  State  triumphant,  the  home  of  the 
elect,  from  which,  by  force  of  arms  if  necessary, 
the  savage  was  to  be  reclaimed,  the  civilized 
world  brought  from  sin  to  redemption,  and  a  new 
order  established  in  a  new  world.  As  both  failed 
in  the  accomplishment  of  their  ideals,  so  both  suc- 
ceeded— not  objectively,  but  subjectively.  Both 
left  heritages  in  the  permanence  of  certain  forms 
of  political  institutions,  but  both  solved  problems 
— that  of  giving  vigor  to  minds  of  different  types, 
and  urging  onward  souls  who  sought  the  same 
ends,  but  took  different  ways. 


302  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Following  the  period  of  the  Revolution,  another 
religious  movement,  that  of  the  oppressed  and 
much  maligned  Moravians,  was  directed  toward 
a  change  of  social  conditions.  Although  the 
abandoned  community  at  Hope  was  Episcopalian 
in  its  form  of  church  government  its  teachings 
were  similar  to  those  of  the  Society  of  Friends 
In  the  correction  of  social  evils  both  employed 
similar  methods,  but  the  world  had  gone  beyond 
the  quiet  ways  of  the  faithful,  lovable  followers 
of  the  leader,  Count  Zinzendorf,  who  had  sought 
a  new  Bethlehem  by  the  waters  of  the  Lehigh. 

The  last  of  these  movements  in  New  Jersey, 
except  there  be  eliminated  the  purely  aesthetic 
and  economic  efforts  of  the  late  Charles  K.  Landis 
and  his  associates  in  Cumberland  and  Atlantic 
Counties,  was  a  settlement  projected  in  Mon- 
mouth County,  about  four  miles  from  Red  Bank, 
and  which,  while  small,  was  none  the  less  vocifer- 
ous in  its  claims  for  recognition. 

The  era  of  unrest  brought  forward  a  score  of 
schemes  having  for  their  object  the  uplifting  of 
mankind.  Ranging  from  crudest  communism  to 
scientific  socialism,  mixed  with  every  form  of 
religious  belief  or  no  belief  at  all,  men  were  at- 
tracted hither  and  thither.  Enthusiasts  talked  of 
"  emancipation,"  of  the  "  ideals  of  American  gov- 
ernment," of  "  effete  European  monarchies,"  and, 
unmindful  that  with  a  free  constitution  they  were 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  303 

able  to  effect  reform,  sought  in  segregation  some 
plan  to  accomplish  the  change.  Charlatanism  ran 
riot,  along  with  many  an  excellent  idea,  which, 
if  properly  considered  and  adopted,  would  have 
solved  a  part  of  the  complex  problem  of  existing 
civilization.  But  in  the  community  idea  then  as 
now  there  lay  the  elements  of  failure.  Society 
must  be  heterogeneous  that  it  may  work  out  its 
salvation — isolated  groups,  as  groups,  must  ulti- 
mately be  absorbed,  no  matter  how  powerfully  the 
promulgation  of  their  doctrines  may  affect  the 
whole,  either  for  good  or  ill. 

Of  all  the  chimerical  schemes  thus  advanced 
that  of  the  North  American  Phalanx  was  the  most 
certainly  doomed  to  death.  While  as  a  character- 
istic type  of  organization  under  the  system  ad- 
vanced by  Fourier — it  had  as  long  life  as  any  of 
its  associated  Phalanxes — it  was  none  the  less  so 
utterly  at  variance  with  the  general  trend  of 
human  activities  that  the  wonder  is  it  lasted 
throughout  a  decade. 

This  strange  and  almost  forgotten  community, 
which  attracted  much  attention  and  gave  Mon- 
mouth County  a  prominent  if  not  an  enviable 
place,  grew  out  of  the  exposition  of  Fourierism 
made  by  Albert  Brisbane  in  the  columns  of  the 
New  York  Tribune.  Fourier,  like  that  other  social 
regenerator  of  his  day,  George  Lippard,  was  much 
of  a  mysticist.    He  wrote  of  the  relation  of  "  har- 


304  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

monies,"  and  drew  into  his  movement  such  men  as 
Greeley,  Godwin,  Worden,  Channing,  Ripley,  and 
Macdonald,  the  "  Old  Mortality "  of  socialism, 
with  many  of  lesser  note.  But  from  Brisbane's 
articles  came  the  call  for  a  convention,  an  act 
characteristic  of  the  hour,  which  in  August,  1843, 
assembled  in  Albany.  Here  it  was  decided  by 
Fourier  delegates  from  New  York  City,  Catskill, 
and  Brook  Farm,  the  home  of  transcendentalism, 
that  a  new  Phalanx  must  be  established  near 
New  York.  A  location  near  Red  Bank,  a  farm  of 
no  great  value,  was  selected,  and  so  active  were 
the  preparations  made  that  in  September  of  the 
same  year  the  pioneers  of  the  movement  estab- 
lished themselves  there  and  awaited  the  ar- 
rival of  recruits.  The  newcomers,  in  1844, 
swelled  the  settlement  to  ninety  persons.  Im- 
mediately the  North  American  Phalanx  fell  upon 
evil  days,  nor  could  its  optimism  draw  it  from  the 
heated  discussion  of  the  ever  old  and  ever  new 
contest  between  the  policies  of  centralization, 
known  in  the  economic  slang  of  the  day  as 
"  Civilizee,"  and  individualism,  otherwise  called 
"  Philansterianism."  "  Civilizee,"  which  indicated 
a  joint  stock  plan,  prevailed.  Then  was  announced 
to  the  world  that  in  the  North  American  Phalanx, 
near  Red  Bank,  man  could  have  freedom  instead  of 
chains,  that  he  could  develop  by  "  the  Divine  har- 
mony that  comes  through  counterpoise  "  instead 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  305 

of  growth  through  coercion.  It  was  further  enun- 
ciated that  the  Phalanx  would  endeavor  to  eman- 
cipate the  individual  "  from  the  servitude  of 
nature,  from  personal  dominion,  from  social 
tyrannies,"  thus  emerging  into  "  all  freedoms  and 
the  endowment  of  all  rights  pertaining  to  man- 
hood, fulfilling  his  own  destiny "  in  accordance 
with  the  laws  written  in  his  own  organization. 

The  very  haziness  of  these  offers  of  rejuvenation 
were  attractive;  even  if  people  did  not  know  what 
the  words  meant  they  had  a  pleasing  sound — a 
quality  by  no  means  solely  characteristic  of  the 
North  American  Phalanx.  Every  member  be- 
came his  own  employer,  receiving  for  his  labor 
as  exact  a  share  of  the  product  as  could  be  de- 
termined in  a  world  where  "  there  is  no  scientific 
unit  of  value."  This  led  to  a  system  of  exchang- 
ing products  or  values  on  a  basis  of  cost,  giving 
what  was  called  "  the  abstract  or  protean  form  of 
value." 

Having  airily  disposed  of  this  important 
economic  problem,  the  Phalanx  applied  the  "  pro- 
tean "  idea  to  the  domestic  and  social  relations. 
It  was  held  that  ties  could  be  formed  "  according 
to  affinities  of  character " — and  this  led  to 
scandal  that  was  more  than  "  protean."  In  the 
education  of  the  young  the  Phalanx,  whether  by 
chance  or  design,  sounded  a  true  note.  Such 
education  was  directed  along  lines  which  would 


:30S  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

give  the  youth  an  insight  "  into  the  real  business 
of  life,  the  actual  production  and  distribution  of 
wealth,  the  science  of  accounts,  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  affairs."  Furthermore  a  religious  life 
was  sought  rather  than  a  religious  faith,  so  that 
"  the  soul  shall  attain  to  true  equilibrium,  and 
act  normally  in  accordance  with  the  Divine  law, 
so  that  human  life  in  all  its  powers  and  activities 
shall  be  in  harmonious  relations  with  nature  and 
with  the  supreme  center  of  life." 

With  such  a  propaganda  the  North  American 
Phalanx  entered  upon  its  career  with  twelve  sub- 
scribers and  a  fund  of  eight  thousand  dollars. 
On  November  30,  1844,  the  Phalanx  had  acquired 
property  to  the  value  of  twenty-eight  thousand 
dollars,  owing  in  capital  stock  and  balances  due 
members  eighteen  thousand  dollars. 

The  energies  of  the  "  Phalanxers,"  as  the  mem- 
bers of  the  organization  were  locally  known,  were 
first  devoted  to  farming,  and  then  to  the  develop- 
ment of  small  manufacturing  industries.  But 
life  was  easy  near  Red  Bank,  and  the  Phalanx  be- 
came a  haven  for  people  of  eccentric  tastes,  men 
of  strange  fancies,  honest  enough,  but  misled. 
The  women  adopted  trousers,  over  which  they 
wore  frocks  reaching  to  the  knee  like  a  High- 
lander's kilt.  In  the  common  dining  room  the 
vegetarians  had  a  table  for  themselves,  the  wait- 
ers were  paid  by  the  hour  in  proportion  to  the  ex- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  307 

cellence  of  their  service,  while  long-haired  men, 
and  women  who  had  lived  in  other  communities, 
talked  of  the  possibilities  of  a  new  industrial  life, 
and  discoursed  on  every  problem  of  man's  exist- 
ence from  stirpiculture  to  spiritualism.  But  upon 
one  subject  all  were  agreed — that  Horace  Greeley 
was  still  sufficiently  interested  in  the  project  to 
loan  money  to  the  Phalanx  when  other  sources  of 
supply  had  failed. 

Thus  through  varying  fortunes,  for  ten  years, 
the  Phalanx  dragged  along.  From  descriptive 
letters  in  the  newspapers  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain 
the  true  state  of  the  community.  Some  said  the 
members  were  happy;  others  were  equally  con- 
fident that  they  were  miserable — and  the  latter 
were  probably  nearer  the  truth.  All  agree  that 
the  school  did  not  reach  the  ideal,  that  the  road 
to  Red  Bank  was  sandy,  and  that  meal  and  labor 
checks  were  not  legal  tender  in  other  parts  of 
Monmouth  County. 

The  Phalanx  was  not  in  a  markedly  prosperous 
condition  when,  for  an  unknown  reason,  some  of 
its  members  withdrew,  and  at  Perth  Amboy,  in 
1853,  established  a  short-lived  Raritan  Bay  Asso- 
ciation, a  cooperative  concern,  but  less  communis- 
tic than  the  Phalanx.  To  this  withdrawal  was 
added  a  religious  controversy,  into  which  the 
"  Phalanxers"  plunged  because  they  had  little  else 
to  do.  The  effect  was  demoralizing.  Added  to  the 


308  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

community's  troubles  was  the  burning  of  its  grist- 
mill in  September,  1854,  entailing  an  uninsured  loss 
of  ten  thousand  dollars.  The  moribund  Phalanx 
breathed  its  last  early  in  1856,  and  a  sort  of 
economic  post-mortem  held  by  the  editor  of  the 
Social  Revolutionist  gave  the  following  causes  of 
death:  indifference  and  selfishness  of  non-resident 
stockholders,  apathy  on  the  part  of  the  members 
of  the  community,  neglect  of  the  intellectual  and 
aesthetic  elements  of  life,  the  mill  fire,  and  the 
establishment  of  Victor  Considerant's  colony  in 
Texas. 

Soon  the  main  building  and  the  school  house 
were  deserted.  No  longer  young  men  awakened 
the  older  members  by  coming  in  late  at  night,  of 
which  there  had  been  complaint  in  more  pros- 
perous days;  no  longer  young  girls  in  bloomers 
paddled  their  canoes  in  a  little  lake,  or  raked  hay, 
ate  chocolate  cake,  and  danced  on  the  Fourth 
of  July;  no  longer  old  men  at  the  blacksmith  shop 
talked  of  social  and  governmental  errors.  It  was 
the  natural  end  of  an  attempt  to  regenerate  man- 
kind by  methods  at  variance  with  the  natural 
trend  of  the  human  mind. 


CHAPTER    XX 
The  Pulpit  akd  thh  Press 


THE  great  era  of  reform  had  not  only 
swept  away  some  of  the  land- 
marks of  secular  life,  but  had  even 
greatly  disturbed  the  churches. 
One  denomination  at  least  had  been 
rent  asunder.  With  the  promulgation  of  the  views 
of  Elias  Hicks  the  Society  of  Friends,  divided  into 
two  hostile  camps,  threw  itself  into  the  courts  and 
began  a  policy  of  self-destruction  as  bitter  as  it 
was  unfortunate.  As  in  all  such  quarrels  there 
were  elements  therein,  both  worldly  and  spiritual, 
which  have  never  yet  been  settled  and  probably 
never  will  be  adjusted.  In  New  Jersey  the  con- 
test raged  with  great  vehemence.  Families  were 
separated  upon  the  question  of  Unitarianism  and 
Trinitarianism,  young  men  and  women  left  both 
societies  never  to  return,  while  enfeebled  meetings 
for  worship  sunk  slowly  until  at  last  they  were 
supported  merely  by  a  handful  of  faithful  but 
aged  followers  of  the  teachings  of  Fox.  But  from 
the  purely  secular  standpoint  it  may  be  said  that 
the  separation  of  the  Society,  in  New  Jersey  as 
elsewhere,  was  an  outgrowth  of  conditions  as 
largely  social  as  they  were  ecclesiastical.  The 
Hicksite  movement  was  a  protest  against  conserva- 
tism. In  a  sense  it  was  a  demand  that  the  So- 
ciety conform  to  new  standards  which  were  being 
raised,  that  the  barriers  of  exclusiveness  sur- 
rounding the  body  be  broken  down.    In  New  Jer 


312 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


sey  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  the  sphere  of 
whose  influence  was  practically  identical  with 
that  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  had  made  great  in- 
roads upon  its  membership.  A  static  religious  life 
had  given  place  to  evangelization.  The  older  but 
weaker  Society  in  point  of  numbers  could  only 
hope  to  meet  this  more  active  rival  by  broadening 
itself,  by  becoming  partially  "  institutionalized." 
In  the  Society  of  Friends,  by  1830,  there  was 
much  formality.  That  which  in  the  days  of  Penn 
had  been  "  seemly  "  had  become  essential.  Stress 
was  laid  upon  the  "  cut "  of  garments,  upon  the 
shape  of  hats,  upon  the  division  of  men  and  wom- 
en in  the  meeting  houses,  upon  the  intensely 
technical  points  of  doctrine,  and  even  upon  the 
methods  used  by  preachers  in  the  delivery  of  their 
sermons.  Most  of  these  matters,  and  others  of  a 
similar  character,  had  not  been  set  down  at  large 
in  the  discipline  of  the  Society,  but  unwritten  cus- 
tom had  given  them  the  value  of  law.  The  Hicks- 
ites  groped,  somewhat  blindly  at  first,  for  an 
"  enlargement,"  for  a  return  of  the  "  spirit "  of 
early  Quakerism,  rather  than  a  maintenance  of 
peculiar  outward  forms.  The  purpose  was  at  last 
accomplished,  but  the  Society  had  not  the  power 
to  withstand  so  great  a  shock.  Henceforth  the 
struggle  became  one  not  for  supremacy,  but  al- 
most for  existence,  in  which  both  "  branches  " 
Itimately  suffered  severe  losses.    Except  in  a  cer- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  313 

tain  few  instances  both  the  Orthodox  and  the 
Hicksite  societies,  in  point  of  membership,  have 
slowly  but  steadily  been  losing  ground,  or  at  best 
remaining  stationary.  Whatever  may  be  said  of 
the  State  and  national  influence  of  either  or  both 
branches,  in  such  matters  as  abolition  of  slavery, 
the  uplifting  of  the  negro,  arbitration,  and  techni- 
cal education,  is,  however,  another  matter. 

Before  the  "  separation"  there  were  in  the  State 
four  quarterly  meetings — Burlington,  Haddon- 
field,  Salem,  and  Shrewsbury.  There  were  nine- 
teen monthly  meetings  and  forty-six  meetings  for 
worship.  It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  secure  ac- 
curate statistics  as  to  the  exact  distribution  of 
membership  between  the  Hicksite  and  Orthodox 
branches.  The  fact  that  certain  members  refused 
to  ally  themselves  with  either  division,  and  a 
somewhat  uncertain  attitude  taken  by  others,  led 
to  generalizations.  From  the  most  reliable 
sources  it  is  gleaned  that  there  were  about  six 
thousand  members  of  the  Society  in  New  Jersey  at 
the  time  of  the  division.  Roughly  speaking  it  may 
be  said  that  in  Burlington  "  Quarterly "  there 
were  about  nineteen  hundred,  in  Haddonfield 
"  Quarterly  "  about  seventeen  hundred,  in  Salem 
"  Quarterly  "  about  fifteen  hundred  and  fifty,  and 
in  Shrewsbury  "  Quarterly  "  about  nine  hundred 
and  twenty-five.  In  the  "  separation  "  the  Hicks- 
ites  secured   about   eleven   hundred    members  in 


314 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


Burlington  "  Quarterly  "  and  the  Orthodox  eight 
hundred  members,  the  former  having  fourteen 
places  for  worship,  the  latter  thirteen.  In  Had- 
donfield  "  Quarterly "  the  two  branches  each 
claimed  a  membership  of  about  eight  hundred  and 
fifty,  the  Hicksites  securing  six  houses  for  wor- 
ship, the  Orthodox  nine.  In  Salem  "  Quarterly  " 
the  difference  was  much  greater,  the  Hicksites' 
membership  being  about  twelve  hundred  and  fifty 
with  ten  meeting  houses,  that  of  the  Orthodox 
about  three  hundred  with  four  meeting  houses.  In 
Shrewsbury  "  Quarterly  "  eight  Hicksite  meetings 
for  worship  and  a  membership  of  seven  hundred 
and  fifty,  while  the  Orthodox  were  limited  to  three 
meetings  and  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  mem- 
bers. The  Hicksites  thus  succeeded  in  controlling 
in  part  or  in  whole  thirty-eight  places  for  worship 
out  of  sixty-seven,  and  about  thirty-three  hundred 
and  fifty  members,  or  slightly  over  fifty  per  cent, 
of  the  total  number  of  Friends  in  the  State.  Fif- 
teen meeting  houses  were  occupied  jointly  by  the 
Hicksites  and  Orthodox  societies. 

Nor  were  other  denominations  less  free  from 
the  spirit  of  greater  freedom  of  thought  that  ruled 
the  day.  Into  the  Presbyterian  Church  had  crept 
the  desire  for  inquiry,  but  with  the  College  of  New 
ersey  and  Princeton  Seminary  as  restraining  in- 
fluences, the  tone  of  investigation  was  moderate, 
and  in  seeking  expression  along  the  lines  of  what 


THE  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH  AT  NEWARK. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  315 

was  then  "  higher  criticism  "  a  position  was  taken 
which  was  practically  that  now  occupied  by  the 
church.  No  schism  drove  the  Presbyterians  into 
factions,  and  the  faith  still  held  a  firm  position  in 
the  eastern  portion  of  the  State.  Divided  into  the 
Presbyteries  of  Newark  with  twenty-four 
churches,  Elizabeth  town  with  seventeen  churches, 
New  Brunswick  with  nineteen  churches,  and  New- 
ton with  twenty-five,  this  denomination  in  1830 
claimed  about  fifteen  thousand  communicants  in 
a  total  State  population  of  three  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand. 

What  was  true  of  the  Presbyterians  may  be 
said  of  the  Baptists,  although  the  congregational 
form  of  worship  characteristic  of  that  faith  gave 
greater  latitude  in  the  expression  of  opinion. 

There  were  in  the  State  about  four  thousand 
Baptists,  the  affairs  of  the  church  being  overlooked 
by  various  "  associations,"  containing  in  all  sixty- 
one  churches.  Of  these  churches  many  possessed 
great  antiquity,  particularly  in  the  southern  and 
central  portions  of  New  Jersey.  Thus,  antedating 
the  Involution,  Cohansey  congregation  claimed 
its  organization  from  1683,  that  of  Cape  May  from 
1712,  Salem  from  1755,  Dividing  Creek  from  17G2, 
Pemberton  from  1764,  Pittsgrove  from  1771,  and 
Manahawkin  from  1770.  As  early  as  1688  there 
was  a  Baptist  congregation  at  Middletown,  where 
it  is  said  that  eighteen  of  the  thirty-six  purchasers 


316  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

of  the  Indian  title  were  members  of  that  denomi- 
nation. It  is  curious  that  after  having  "  settled 
themselves  into  a  church  state  "  the  Baptists  of 
Middletown  became  divided  and  each  party  was 
formally  excommunicated  by  the  other.  What  the 
trouble  was  is  not  positively  known,  for  when  the 
trouble  was  adjusted  in  May,  1711,  the  record  of 
proceedings  was  torn  out  of  their  church  book. 
In  1G89  the  Baptists  organized  a  congregation  at 
Piscataway;  in  1747  at  Scotch  Plains;  in  1752  at 
Morristown;  and  in  1767  and  1769  at  Mount  Bethel 
and  Lyons  Farms.  In  Sussex  County,  at  Wantage, 
the  Baptists  appeared  in  1756,  while  in  1715  there 
were  members  of  that  faith  organized  in  Hope- 
well, and  in  1745  at  Hightstown.  Kingwood's 
church  dates  from  1742. 

When  Benjamin  Abbott,  that  remarkable 
evangelist,  came  to  Trenton  in  1778,  found  the 
meeting  house  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
turned  into  a  stable,  and  could  count  only  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  members  of  his  society  in  all  New 
Jersey,  he  little  realized  the  social  force  which  he 
and  his  associates,  following  Bishop  Asbury 
through  New  Jersey,  had  set  in  motion.  Through 
the  days  immediately  preceding  the  Bevolution, 
and  during  the  war  itself,  the  growth  of  Method- 
ism was  so  small  as  to  be  scarcely  appreciated. 
In  1772,  in  New  Jersey,  there  were  only  nineteen 
members,  which  rose   to    two    hundred  the  next 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


317 


year,  three  hundred  in  1775,  five  hundred  in  1781, 
and  one  thousand  in  1783.  Thence  for  fifty  years 
Methodism  surged  like  a  great  tide,  inundating, 
it  may  be  said,  the  southern  portion  of  the  State. 
In  the  Counties  of  Burlington,  old  Gloucester, 
Salem,  Cumberland,  and  Cape  May,  all  of  which, 
by  1830,  had  a  population  of  about  ninety-two 
thousand,  there  were  seven  thousand  Methodists 
— one  to  thirteen.  The  movement  had  crossed  the 
Assanpink,  extending  to  Flemington  and  Belle- 
ville, constituting  the  East  Jersey  district,  in 
which  there  were  about  four  thousand  members. 
One-third  of  these  were  in  Newark,  Bloomfield, 
Orange,  Belleville,  Bahway,  and  Elizabethtown. 
In  the  remaining  portion  of  the  State  were  about 
forty-five  hundred  members,  nearly  a  third  being 
in  Warren  and  Sussex  Counties.  The  total  num- 
ber in  the  State  was  about  fifteen  thousand  five 
hundred,  equal  in  numerical  strength  to  the  Pres-  Francl3  A8bUry,  first  Methodist 

hvtprilTl<3  Episcopal     bishop;     o.     England. 

ujicnaiio.  Aug    20(   174B.   came   to  Amerlca 

The  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  had  not  ve-^n^ 
covered  from  the  distressing  days  of  the  Revolu- 
tion.   In  its  strongholds  in  Newark,  Perth  Amboy, 
Trenton  and  Burlington  it  represented  no  small 


March  SI,  1816. 


part  of  the  wealth,  the  education,  and  the  best 
family  connections  of  the  communities,  but  to 
many,  influenced  by  name  rather  than  by  fact,  it 
was  still  the  "  Church  of  England,"  and  that  in 
1830  meant  the  taint  of  Torvism.   In  all  New  Jer- 


318 


NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 


C2s<rfvfo40'i 


sey  its  thirty-three  churches  had  but  nine  hundred 
communicants.  In  1833  seven  churches  were  va- 
cant, all  of  which,  with  the  exception  of  a  chapel 
in  Belleville,  were  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
State,  where  the  Swedish  Lutheran  movement  had 
lost  itself  in  its  greater  neighbor.  Five  of  the  thir- 
ty-three churches  were  supplied  by  missionary 
deacons  or  priests,  reducing  the  number  of  active 
congregations  to  between  fifteen  and  twenty. 

The  entire  strength  of  the  conservative  Re- 
formed Dutch  Church  of  New  Jersey  lay  in  the 
northeastern  portion  of  the  State,  the  congrega- 
tions being  divided  into  the  Classis  of  New  Bruns- 
wick, the  Classis  of  Bergen,  and  the  Classis  of 
Paramus.  The  total  number  of  communicants  was 
about  three  thousand,  with  about  forty  churches. 

Of  faiths  that  had  but  a  minor  representation 
in  New  Jersey  at  this  eventful  period  the  Lutheran 
had,  as  early  as  1690,  established  a  congregation 
in  Hackensack,  had  gone  out  into  the  Passaic  Val- 
ley, and  had  in  West  Jersey,  in  the  Swedish  settle- 
ments, lingered  for  over  a  century,  until  the  end 
had  come.  There  is  told,  and  beautifully  told,  in 
Melick's  "  Story  of  An  Old  Farm,"  the  tale  of  the 
coming  of  Palatinate  Lutherans  to  the  hills  that 
lift  their  heads  toward  Schooley's  Mountain.  It 
is  partially  romance,  that  in  1705  a  party  of  Pala- 
tinates fled  from  Walfenbuttel  and  Halbertstadt 
and  thence  to  Holland,  where  in  1707  they  de- 


John  Croes,  D.D.,  first  Protestant  Episcopal  bishop 
of  the  Diocese  of  New  Jersey  1816-32;  fc.  Elizabeth- 
town  June  1,  1762;  soldier  In  Revolutionary  War 
1778-81 ;  ordained  deacon  1790 ;  priest  1792 ;  rector 
Christ  Church.  New  Brunswick,  1801-16;  conducted  a 
boys'  school  under  auspices  of  Queen's  College; 
elected  bishop  of  Connecticut  1816,  but  declined,  *nd 
consecrated  first  bishop  of  New  Jersey,  Nov.  19,  181S ; 
d.  at  New  Brunswick,  July  30,  1832. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  319 

parted  for  New  York.  Driven  by  storm  to  Dela- 
ware Bay,  they  reached  Philadelphia,  and  on  their 
way  overland  to  New  York  were  attracted  by  the 
peaceful  valleys  of  Morris  and  Hunterdon  Coun- 
ties and  settled  there. 

The  broad  liberality  of  the  Society  of  Friends  at 
the  genesis  of  their  settlements  unquestionably  led 
to  the  presence  of  Roman  Catholics  in  West  Jersey. 
Among  the  French  servants  of  Dr.  Daniel  Coxe,  at 
Cape  May,  earlier  than  1700,  there  were  probably 
members  of  that  faith.  John  D.  McCormick,  the 
historian  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  New 
Jersey,  in  a  supplement  to  William  S.  Sharp's  re- 
print of  Smith's  History,  ingeniously  argues,  with 
ho  small  degree  of  success,  that  John  Tatham, 
about  whose  title  to  the  governorship  of  West  Jer- 
sey there  was  dispute,  was  a  Roman  Catholic.  Cer- 
tain it  is  that  his  library,  which  overlooked  his  fa- 
mous garden  in  Burlington,  contained  books  of 
Roman  Catholic  theology,  a  rare  circumstance,  in- 
deed, when  two  centuries  since  any  library  of  a 
theological  partisan  was  filled  with  volumes  deal- 
ing only  with  one  side  of  the  question — the  par- 
tisan's side.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Father  Ferdi- 
nand Farmer  visited  the  Wistar  glass  house  at 
Salem  about  1760,  later  exercising  his  priestly 
functions,  in  spite  of  restrictive  statutes,  at  Bask- 
ing Ridge,  Pikesland,  Charlotteburg,  and  Long 
Pond.     Father  Francis  Beeston  was  among  the 


320  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

iron  workers  of  East  Jersey  at  the  close  of  the 
Revolution,  while  John  Gilmary  Shea,  in  his 
"  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial 
Days,"  states  that  the  Jesuit  Fathers  in  New  York 
baptized,  at  an  early  date,  in  Woodbridge.  Will- 
iam Douglass,  who  was  returned  to  the  East  Jer- 
sey Legislature  from  Bergen  County  in  16S0,  was 
denied  admission  to  the  Assembly  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  a  member  of  that  faith. 

With  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
Roman  Catholics  appear  in  small  numbers  in 
Trenton,  in  1799;  at  Macopin  and  Madison  in  1805; 
while  in  1824  Orangemen  made  an  attack  upon  the 
Roman  Catholics  in  Paterson.  The  appearance  of 
Irish  emigrants,  not  only  men  technically  skilled, 
who  pursued  their  trades  in  Newark  and  the  near- 
by mill  towns,  Jersey  City,  New  Brunswick,  and 
Trenton,  but  those  less  able,  who  found  work  upon 
the  Morris  Canal  and  the  Delaware  and  Rari- 
tan  Canal  and  the  new  railroads,  stimulated  the 
growth  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  Yet  as 
late  as  1853,  when  Bishop  Bayley  became  the  head 
of  the  newly  established  diocese  of  New  Jersey, 
there  were  in  all  New  Jersey  only  thirty-three 
churches,  of  which  three  were  in  Newark.  So  bit- 
ter had  been  the  feeling  against  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics that  in  1833  members  of  that  faith  were  ex- 
cluded from  Elizabethtown. 

It  was  during  the  year  1837  that  there  came  to 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  321 

New  Egypt  one  Benjamin  Winchester,  an  elder 
"  of  the  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter  Day 
Saints."  Filled  with  the  zeal  of  an  apostle,  he  in- 
deed "  cried  aloud  in  the  wilderness,"  and  among 
those  who  lived  in  that  then  remote  region  of  the 
State  gained  about  fifty  converts,  who  subscribed 
to  the  doctrines  of  the  Mormon  faith.  From  New 
Egypt  to  Tom's  River,  across  the  County  of  Ocean, 
the  preachers  of  the  new  religion  established  their  j 
faith,  and  in  the  latter  town  built  a  small  churchy 
in  which  the  county  courts  were  later  held.  S 
successful  was  the  missionary  effort  that  before 
the  cornerstone  of  the  Nauvoo  temple  was  laid, 
Joseph  Smith,  the  founder  of  the  sect,  "  sealed  " 
converts  in  New  Egypt,  Hornerstown,  and  Tom's 
River.  His  brother,  William  Smith,  also  visited 
this  region,  while  the  successor  of  Brigham 
Young,  the  energetic  and  talented  John  Taylor, 
preached  in  the  old  Forked  River  school  house  as 
late  as  1851.  Subsequently,  with  the  emigration 
of  some  Mormon  converts,  who  removed  from 
Ocean  County  to  Salt  Lake  City,  the  movement 
died  in  that  region  of  New  Jersey. 

It  is  at  least  a  curious  as  well  as  an  interesting 
fact  that  the  first  Universalist  sermon  ever  deliv- 
ered in  America  was  preached  in  the  old  Potter 
"  Union  "  Church  in  Good  Luck.  This  event  oc- 
curred in  1770,  when  the  Rev.  John  Murray  ap- 
peared in  Ocean  County,  in  a  region  in  which,  but 


George  Washington  Doanc,  second  Prol 
copal  bishop  of  the  Diocese  of  New  Jersey;  i>.   [Ten- 
ton,  May  27,  1799;  grad.  Union  Coll. 
deacon   182]  ;  rector  Trinity  Church,   Boston,   I 
elected  bishop  of  New    I  ol  Bur 

llngton  Co1I<k>    f<T  Boys  and  Balni   Mary's  Hall  (<><■ 
Girls;    author   "Songs   by    the   Way",     ft    Api 

either  of  w  liop  of 

Albany,  and  George  riobart  Doane,  a  Ro 
lie  prelate. 


322 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


JOHN   SCARBOROUGH. 


a  few  years  before  Murray's  advent,  a  body  of 
Rogerine  Baptists  had  settled. 

The  era  of  reform  had  to  a  large  degree  affected 
the  character  of  the  newspapers  of  the  State. 
From  1800  to  1830  there  had  been  many  changes 
among  them;  many  had  been  born  only  to  die 
again,  yet  in  1833  the  list  of  those  published 
had  increased  to  thirty-one,  including  both  dailies 
and  weeklies.  With  the  exception  of  Cape  May 
every  county  had  a  newspaper,  a  press  being  es- 
tablished in  each  county  capital  save  Bergen 
County,  the  newspaper  in  that  territorial  subdi- 
vision being  printed  in  Jersey  City,  although  one 
had  been  published  in  Hackensack  during  a  part 
of  1822. 

As  compared  with  the  weeklies  of  the  open- 
ing of  the  century  the  newspaper  in  the  era  of  re- 
form took  a  saner  view  of  life,  and  departed  from 
the  policy  of  designating  a  President  as  "a  Deist," 
"a  leader  of  ragamuffins,"  "a  prostituter  of  Ameri- 
can virtue,"  some  of  the  terms  that  were  applied 
to  Jefferson,  and  contented  itself  with  calling 
Jackson  "  an  obstinate  tyrant,"  or  possibly  "  a 
blackguard."  While  the  editors  threw  at  one  an- 
other's heads  such  terms  as  "  liars,"  "  subsisters 
upon  the  public  pap,"  and  "  vermin,"  this  was 
something  of  the  spectacular,  something  of  the 
nature  of  opera  bouffe  war.  where  the  contending 


John  Scarborough,  S.T.O.,  fourth  Protestan 
copal  bishop  of  the  Diocese  of  New  Jersey ;  S.  Castle- 
wellan,  Ireland,  April  25,  1831 ;  came  to  United  States 
1840;  grad.  Trinity  College  and  (1857)  General  Theo- 
logical Seminary  ;  consecrated  bishop  of  New  Jersey 
at  Burlington,  Feb.  2,  187S. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  323 

armies  belabor  one  another  with  bladders.  Libel 
laws  were  discounted,  as  they  had  ever  been. 

But  the  newspaper  of  the  day  was  the  haven 
of  refuge  for  those  who  advocated  every  "  ism  " 
dealing  with  every  conceivable  subject.  The 
harmless  and  the  harmful  enthusiast  assailed  one 
another's  plans,  coaxed,  protested,  threatened, 
and  abused.  Nothing  was  left  undiscussed;  noth- 
ing was  left  unsettled.  The  man  with  his  remedy 
was  ready  to  dispose  of  every  ill,  physical  or  men- 
tal. It  was  not  only  a  war  of  ideas,  but  a  war  of 
words,  in  which  no  one  was  ever  defeated,  in  which 
the  lives  of  theories  were  never  extinguished. 

The  newspapers  in  the  arrangement  of  their 
parts  began  to  assume  some  modern  forms.  Edi- 
torials found  an  assigned  place;  local  news  was 
no  longer  lost  under  dissertations  upon  the 
"  Value  of  Church  Going,"  the  "  Decay  of  Intel- 
lectuality," or  the  "Need  of  Clover"  upon  certain 
kinds  of  lands.  Foreign  intelligence  was  pre- 
sented with  an  appreciation  of  its  value.  Upon 
rare  occasions  articles  of  great  prominence  were 
given  "  heads  "  in  a  degree  commensurate  with 
their  interest.  But  there  was  much  to  be  done  to 
lift  the  newspapers  from  mere  sheets  devoted  to 
political  abuse  to  anything  like  modern  journals. 
In  the  collection  of  news  there  was  neither  energy 
nor  discrimination  displayed.  The  reporter  or 
editor,  when  he  left  the  office  of  the  paper,  made 


324  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

a  short  tour  of  the  heart  of  the  town,  gathered 
what  he  could,  returned  to  his  desk,  and  waited 
for  "  something  to  turn  up."  The  demands  of  the 
old-time  presses  were  such  that  the  forms  of  a 
morning  paper  were  closed  as  early  as  ten  or 
eleven  o'clock  upon  the  previous  night.  Should  a 
fire  have  occurred  the  description  was  written  to 
the  point  when  the  paper  went  to  press,  and  was 
continued,  like  a  serial  story,  the  next  day.  In 
the  newspaper  having  a  large  rural  circulation 
there  was  little  of  the  present  intensely  personal 
and  laudatory  character  of  the  doings  of  people 
resident  in  the  shire  towns  and  nearby  villages. 
The  earlier  writers  of  nuptial  and  obituary  no- 
tices had  modified  their  sentiments  expressive  of 
joy  or  woe,  and  occasionally  presented  facts,  but 
in  a  surprised,  nervous  way,  as  if  afraid  of  their 
effect.  As  an  art  or  as  a  science  advertisement 
writing  was  unknown,  either  in  the  metropolitan 
or  in  the  country  newspapers,  the  merchant 
plainly  stating  what  he  had  for  sale  and  its  price, 
without  any  attempt  to  give  beauty  of  form  or 
grace  of  expression  to  the  announcement 

In  New  Jersey  as  elsewhere  the  newspapers  still 
had  a  small  circulation,  and  the  names  of  even  the 
largest  and  most  influential  journals  were  scarcely 
known  outside  the  communities  where  they  were 
printed.  Every  newspaper,  however,  was  thor- 
oughly read  by  its  subscribers,  for  the  time  had 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


325 


not  yet  come  when  men  bought  a  dozen  news- 
papers each  day  and  merely  glanced  at  the  head- 
lines. Nothing  escaped  the  old-time  readers,  most 
of  whom  personally  knew  the  editors  and  called 
the  newspapers  by  the  name  of  the  man  directing 
its  policy.  For  this  reason  the  editorial  sanctum 
was  a  lounging  place  for  politicians  favorable  to 
those  views  which  the  editor  advocated,  and 
where  in  later  years,  when  the  exchange  system 
was  perfected,  the  prominent  men  of  the  commu- 
nity assembled  to  see  what  Greeley  was  advocat- 
ing in  the  Tribune,  or  to  read  Bennett's  views  as 
expressed  in  the  Herald,  although  at  the  time 
Greeley  might  be  in  the  Adirondack^,  or  Bennett 
in  Europe.  But  the  great  publishers,  like  the 
English  King  in  parliament,  were  always  theo- 
retically present  in  their  editorial  offices. 

Thus  far  had  the  newspapers  advanced  toward 
modern  conditions  when  Andrew  Jackson  was 
President. 


Q^JL 


Thomas  Alfred  Starkey,  D.D.,  first  Protestant  Epis- 
copal bishop  of  the  Diocese  of  Newark  (northern 
New  Jersey)  1879;  6.  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  in  1824; 
civil  engineer  1839-46 ;  ordained  deacon  1847 ;  conse- 
crated 1848 ;  rector  in  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  Ohio, 
and  Washington,  D.  C.  :  rector  Saint  Paul's  Churca. 
Paterson,  1877-79. 


CHAFPER  XXI 
The  Great  Seal  War 


IT  WAS  the  panic  of  1837  that  led  to  the 
downfall  of  the  Democracy  of  New  Jersey 
and  the  triumph  of  the  Whigs.  Into  their 
hands  fell  the  governorship,  Council  and 
House  of  Assembly.  But  in  1838,  with 
prosperity  slowly  returning,  a  partisan  contest  of 
the  most  intense  bitterness  was  waged,  not  only 
for  the  control  of  State  affairs,  but  for  the  secur- 
ing of  the  congressional  delegation  of  six  mem- 
bers, to  which  New  Jersey  was  then  entitled. 

The  congressional  election  of  1838  found  two 
tickets  in  the  field:  the  Democratic  party,  repre- 
sented by  Philemon  Dickerson,  Peter  D.  Vroom, 
Daniel  B.  Ryall,  William  R.  Cooper,  Joseph  Kille, 
and  Manning  Force,  and  the  Whigs  by  John  B. 
Aycrigg,  John  P.  B.  Maxwell,  William  Halstead, 
Charles  C.  Stratton,  Thomas  Jones  Yorke,  and 
Joseph  F.  Randolph.  Upon  the  9th  and  10th  of 
October  of  that  year  the  qualified  voters  of  the 
State  cast  their  ballots  upon  the  "  general  ticket  " 
system  then  in  vogue,  not  choosing  their  represen- 
tatives, as  at  present,  by  separate  districts.  The 
returns  showed  Democratic  majorities  ranging 
from  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine, — that  of  Mr. 
Dickerson  over  Mr.  Aycrigg, — to  sixty,  that  of 
Mr.  Cooper  over  Mr.  Stratton.  One  Whig,  Joseph 
F.  Randolph,  subsequently  associate  justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  having  run  ahead  of  his  ticket, 


330  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

was  elected  beyond  dispute.    The  delegation  thus 
stood  five  Democrats  to  one  Whig. 

With  the  announcement  of  the  returns  the  sit- 
uation grew  complicated,  owing  to  direct  charges 
of  fraud  made  on  the  part  of  the  Democrats.  It 
was  said  that  the  Whig  clerks  of  Cumberland  and 
Middlesex  Counties  had  falsified  the  returns.  In 
the  case  of  Cumberland  County  it  was  alleged  that 
the  clerk  suppressed  the  result  in  Millville  Town- 
ship, and  so  tabulated  the  Deerfield  Township  re- 
turns as  to  set  "  the  seal  and  silence  of  death  " 
upon  the  expression  of  the  popular  will.  It  was 
claimed  that  the  clerk  had  thus  changed  a  Demo- 
cratic majority  of  thirty-seven  to  a  Whig  majority 
of  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine.  From  the  County 
of  Middlesex  the  Whig  clerk  made  no  return  of 
the  election  held  in  the  township  of  South  Amboy, 
in  which  the  Democratic  majority  was  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty-two.  It  was  also  further  stated  that 
the  Cumberland  and  Middlesex  returns  had  been 
"  held  back  "  until  the  results  in  other  parts  of  the 
State  was  known.  All  political  life  was  in  a  tur- 
moil, particularly  as  there  was  no  provision  in  the 
existing  election  law  permitting  any  correction  of 
these  returns.  But  one  way  remained  open,  and 
that  was  for  the  governor  and  his  Privy  Council 
"  to  cast  up  the  number  of  votes  for  each  candi- 
date and  determine  the  six  persons  who  had  the 
greatest  number  of  votes."    Having  thus  deter- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  331 

mined  the  result,  the  governor's  duty  was  to  issue 
commissions  under  the  Great  Seal  of  New  Jersey 
to  such  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Then  in  all  its  fury  broke  the  "  Great  Seal "  or 
"  Broad  Seal  "  War.  The  policy  of  the  Whig  party 
in  New  Jersey  had  been  predetermined,  nor  could 
Governor  Pennington  avert  the  storm  of  obloquy 
and  reproach  which  beat  upon  him.  Refusing,  in 
spite  of  indignant  Democratic  protests,  to  recog- 
nize a  Democratic  majority  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty-eight  from  the  Townships  of  Millville  and 
South  Amboy,  the  governor  and  Privy  Council, 
canvassing  the  result  on  the  24th  of  October,  went 
so  far  as  to  take  the  stand  that  no  election  what- 
ever had  been  held  in  those  townships  so  far  as 
they  had  official  knowledge,  no  returns  having 
been  filed  within  the  time  prescribed  by  law. 

In  defending  their  position  the  governor  and 
the  members  of  his  Privy  Council  rested  their  ar- 
gument of  justification  upon  a  single  proposition. 
This  was  that  in  canvassing  congressional  returns 
they  were  ministerial  officers  bound  by  mere  form. 
As  returns  in  legal  form  had  been  made  to  them 
from  all  counties  there  existed  no  right,  on  their 
part,  of  amendment  or  rejection  of  such  returns 
for  any  reason  other  than  that  of  informality. 
Consequently  Governor  Pennington  affixed  the 
Great  Seal  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey  to  the  cer- 
tificates of  election  of  all  the  Whig  candidates. 


332  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

With  the  theater  of  war  transferred  from  Tren- 
ton to  Washington  a  new  complication  arose. 
The  bitterly  contested  congressional  election 
throughout  the  Union  had  resulted  in  the  return 
of  one  hundred  and  eighteen  Whigs  and  one  hun- 
dred and  nineteen  Democrats  as  members  of  the 
new  House  of  Representatives.  Upon  the  five 
members  of  the  New  Jersey  delegation  depended 
the  organization  of  the  house  and  the  political 
triumph  of  either  party,  the  existing  federal  ad- 
ministration being  Democratic. 

Upon  the  2d  of  December,  1839,  the  real  "  war  " 
began.  Under  custom  the  clerk  of  the  previous 
house,  in  organizing  the  new  house,  enrolled  the 
members  and  called  the  body  to  order.  Hugh  A. 
Garland,  a  Virginian  Democrat  and  clerk  of  the 
house,  having  called  the  roll  and  reached  the 
name  of  Joseph  F.  Randolph,  stated  that,  if  the 
house  concurred,  he  would,  in  view  of  the  contest, 
pass  over  the  five  names  in  the  New  Jersey  dele- 
gation until  the  call  of  the  members  of  the  remain- 
ing States  should  be  completed. 

Instantly  the  house  was  plunged  into  an  acri- 
monious debate,  and  Garland  having  refused  to 
entertain  a  motion  to  adjourn,  many  members  left 
the  capital.  For  several  days  disorder  and  almost 
open  violence  ensued,  until  on  the  5th  of  December 
John  Quincy  Adams  accepted  the  delicate  position 
of  temporary  chairman.    Not  until  the  12th  of  De- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  333 


ceniber  was  Robert  M.  T.  Hunter,  also  a  Virginian, 
a  compromise  candidate,  elected  speaker  of  the 
house,  after  the  house  had  finally  decided  that. 
"  only  the  names  of  the  members  whose  seats  were 
uncontested  should  be  called,  and  that  the  mem- 
bers thus  called  should  be  a  quorum  to  settle  the 
contest." 

By  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  eleven  to  eighty- 
one  on  the  28th  of  February,  1840,  the  five  Demo- 
cratic members,  Philemon  Dickerson,  Peter  D. 
Vroom,  Daniel  B.  Ryall,  Joseph  Kille,  and  Will- 
iam B.  Cooper,  were  declared,  to  be  members  of 
the  House.  In  July  their  election  was  duly  con- 
firmed by  a  committee  report  by  a  vote  of  one 
hundred  and  two  to  twenty-two. 

The  great  seal  of  New  Jersey,  which  as  the  sym- 
bol of  State  authority  played  so  conspicuous  a 
part  in  the  "  war,"  has  had  a  history  as  ancient 
as  it  is  honorable. 

No  one  act  of  the  first  session  of  the  first  Legis- 
lature of  the  State  of  New  Jersey  convening  in 
the  College  of  New  Jersey,  at  Princeton,  partook 
more  of  the  affirmance  of  statehood  than  the  pro- 
vision made  for  the  design  of  a  great  seal.  Under 
Article  XI  of  the  constitution  of  July  2,  1770,  au- 
thority was  given  to  the  Council  and  Assembly 
"to  make  the  great  seal  of  this  Colony,"  the  cus- 
tody whereof  lay  with  the  governor,  or,  in  his  ab 


James  Carnahan,  ninth  president 
New  Jersey,  Princeton,  1823-61! ;  Ik  I 
16,  1775  ;  son  of  a  major  In  Revolutionary  army 
Princeton    College    1800;    licensed    to    preach    1804; 
taught   a  classical   academy    in   Georgetown,    i>     0., 
nine  years;  rf.  in  Newark.  N.  J.,  March  : 


334  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

sence,  with  the  vice-president  of  council,  "  to  be 
used  by  them  as  occasion  may  require." 

Upon  the  6th  day  of  September,  1776,  Richard 
Smith,  of  the  County  of  Burlington,  and  John 
Cooper,  of  the  County  of  Gloucester,  members  of 
council,  were  directed  "  to  meet  a  committee  of 
the  House  of  Assembly  in  order  to  form  a  Great 
Seal."  William  Paterson,  of  Somerset  County, 
was  directed  by  Council  to  inform  the  House  of 
Assembly  of  the  selection.  Upon  the  same  day  the 
Assembly  chose  Samuel  Dick,  of  Salem  County, 
Ephraim  Harris,  of  Cumberland  County,  John 
Covenhoven,  of  Monmouth  County,  and  Charles 
Coxe,  of  Hunterdon  County,  as  a  committee  to  act 
with  Council  "  in  order  to  form  a  Great  Seal  for 
the  State." 

Council  was  informed  of  the  action  of  the  As- 
sembly by  Joseph  Holmes,  Jr.,  of  Monmouth  Coun- 
ty, and  Joseph  Newbolcl,  of  Burlington  County. 

In  both  the  house  and  council  were  men  who 
were  well  acquainted  not  only  with  the  symbolism 
of  heraldry,  but  who  from  childhood  had  been  ac- 
customed to  the  use  of  family  arms.  To  them,  in- 
heritingtheconservative  notions  of  fitness  and  dig- 
nity, the  great  seal  of  New  Jersey  had  an  impor- 
tance far  beyond  more  modern  views.  So  it  was, 
while  waiting  for  the  design  maker  and  the  en- 
graver, that  there  is  a  touch  of  Old-World  aristoc- 
racy in  the  resolution  of  Council  passed  Septem- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  335 


ber  10,  1776.  That  body  "  having  taken  into  Con- 
sideration that  it  will  necessarily  take  up  some 
Time  to  get  a  proper  Great  Seal  prepared  for  the 
Sealing  of  such  Commissions  as  have  usually 
passed  under  the  Great  Seal,  and  that  it  will  be 
necessary  for  the  publick  Good  that  Sundry  Com- 
missions should  issue  before  such  Great  Seal  can 
be  made:  therefore 

Resolved: — That  the  Seal  of  Arms  of  His  Excellency  William 
Livingston,  Esquire,  Shall  be  deemed  and  taken  as  the  Great  Seal 
of  this  State  till  another  shall  be  made. 

In  this  the  Assembly  concurred,  and  Messrs. 
Dick  and  Covenhoven  acquainted  Council  thereof. 
The  joint  committee  of  the  6th  of  September, 
through  its  chairman,  Richard  Smith,  thus  re- 
ported to  both  houses  on  the  3d  of  October: 

That  they  have  considered  the  Subject  and  taken  the  Sentiments 
of  several  intelligent  Gentlemen  thereon;  and  are  of  Opinion  that 
Francis  Hopkinson,  Esq.,  should  be  immeliately  engaged  to  employ 
proper  persons  at  Philadelphia  to  prepare  a  Silver  Seal,  which  is 
to  be  round,  of  two  and  a  half  Inches  diameter,  and  three-eighths 
of  an  Inch  thick,  and  that  the  Arms  shall  be  three  Ploughs  in  an 
Escutcheon;  the  Supporters,  Liberty  and  Ceres,  and  the  Crest,  a 
Horse's  head;  these  words  to  be  engraved  in  large  Letters  round 
the  Arms,  viz.,  "THE  GREAT  SEAL  OF  THE  STATE  OF 
NEW  JERSEY." 

Francis  Hopkinson,  authorized  "  to  draw  on  the 
treasurer  of  this  State  for  the  Expence  "  of  the 
great  seal,  found  the  employment  of  "  proper  Per- 
sons "  a  congenial  duty.     As  a  lover  of  the  fine 


336 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


arts,  and  anxious  to  encourage  genius,  he  secured 
the  services  of  the  eccentric  Pierre  Eugene  Du 
Simitiere,  of  Philadelphia,  who  had  already  been 
engaged  in  like  service  by  Virginia,  Georgia,  and 
Delaware.  The  original  great  seal,  the  design  of 
which  was  drawn  in  india  ink  in  October, 
1776,  is  still  preserved  in  silver  in  the  of- 
fice of  the  secretary  of  state,  as  well  as 
the  original  report  of  September  6,  1776.  A 
comparison  of  the  wording  of  the  resolution  and 
the  seal  itself,  from  which  the  original  of  the  ac- 
companying impression  was  made,  discloses  some 
striking  points  of  difference.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  beneath  the  horse's  head  of  the  crest  an  earl's 
helmet  has  been  placed,  that  ornate  mantling  ap- 
pears above  the  supporters,  and  that  below  the 
escutcheon  the  date  "  MDCCLXXVI  "  has  been 
inserted.  No  legislative  sanction  exists  for  these 
alterations. 

That  Du  Simitiere  exceeded  his  authority  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  in  many  of  the  printed 
representations  of  the  great  seal,  upon  the  title- 
pages  of  State  laws,  the  printers  discarded  both 
helmet  and  date  and  made  their  own  designs 
based  on  the  report  of  1776. 

^Throughout  the  range  oJ^^^^^^^ejys  official 
publications,  as  is  shown  by  Eugene  Zieber's 
"  Heraldry  in  America,"  no  less  than  a  score  of  de- 
signs of  the  great  seal  are  to  be  found.    The  sup- 


GREAT    SEAL   OF   GEOBQE   I 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  337 

porters  are  often  reversed,  whilst  the  horse's  head 
faces  either  dexter  or  sinister  The  widest  liber- 
ties were  taken  with  the  supporter  Ceres,  her 
cornucopia  being  in  ail  imaginable  positions.  Oft- 
en the  representations  border  on  the  ludicrous,  as 
in  many  cases  the  supporters  are  clad  in  what  ap- 
pear to  be  bombazine  petticoats.  Not  until  Mor- 
ton A.  Stilles's  edition  of  the  laws  of  1854  is  there 
any  attempt  toward  artistic  execution  of  the  seal 
on  the  part  of  the  State  printers. 

A  variety  of  mottoes  occur,  but  among  the 
earliest  is  that  used  in  the  Joseph  Justice  edition 
of  the  laws  (1821),  wherein  the  words  "  Liberty 
and  Prosperity  "  are  found.  This  is  now  the  recog- 
nized motto  of  New  Jersey  when  such  is  used,  but 
is  distinctively  descriptive  of  the  supporters,  and 
has  never  been  authorized  by  act  or  resolution. 

It  was  not  until  May,  1777,  that  the  great  seal 
executed  by  Du  Simitiere  was  delivered  to  the 
Legislature,  then  in  session  in  Haddoneld.  From 
October,  1776,  to  May,  1777,  the  seal  at  arms  of 
Governor  William  Livingston  was  used  as  the 
great  seal,  and  to  this  incident  Theodore  Sedg- 
wick, Jr.,  author  of  the  governor's  life,  makes  an 
interesting  reference.  It  appears  that  the  orig- 
inal emigrant,  Robert  Livingston,  the  virtual 
baron  of  the  manor,  was  compelled  to  return  to 
England  in  1694.  In  this  voyage,  taken  to  ad- 
vance business  interests,  he  was  shipwrecked  in 


o38 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


SEAT     OP    Sff.W    a 


Portugal  and  reached  the  mother  country  by  a 
continental  journey.  To  commemorate  the  event, 
it  is  said  the  American  family  at  this  early  period 
altered  the  Scotch  crest,  a  demi-savage,  to  a  ship 
in  distress,  and  changed  the  motto  si  je  puis  to 
spero  mcliora. 

Among  the  papers  of  General  Henry  Livingston, 
of  Ancrom,  New  York,  was  found,  in  1811,  a  let- 
ter from  one  William  Livingston  dated  Decem- 
ber 13, 1G98,  written  from  Edinburgh.  Therein  he 
blazons  the  arms  of  the  family,  although  Sedgwick 
says  the  excerpt  contains  "  heraldic  blunders." 
The  biographer  also  quotes  a  letter  from  Gov- 
ernor Livingston  addressed  to  Colonel  Livingston 
in  Holland  and  dated  June  10,  1785.  His  Excel- 
lency reiterates  the  fact  of  the  alteration  of  crest 
and  motto  and  adds:  "These  have  been  retained 
by  all  the  family  except  myself  who  not  being 
able  without  ingratitude  to  Providence  to  wish  for 
more  than  I  had,  changed  the  former  (crest  of  a 
ship  in  distress)  into  a  ship  under  full  sail  and  the 
latter  (spero  meliora)  into  "  Aut  Mors  aut  vita 
decora."  A  book-plate,  probably  engraved  when 
William  Livingston  was  an  entered  student-of- 
law  in  the  Middle  Temple  about  the  year  1742, 
shows  the  alterations  made  by  himself. 

Under  the  colonial  governments  the  territory  of 
what  is  now  the  State  of  New  Jersey  had  a  variety 
of  seals,  used  by  the  various  nations  laying  claim 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


339 


to  lands  between  the  Hudson  and  the  Delaware. 
Under  the  Dutch,  until  1GG4,  and  probably  under 
the  reestablishment  of  Dutch  authority,  1073-74, 
the  seal  of  the  province  of  New  Netherland  was 
unquestionably  recognized  by  the  planters  and 
traders  upon  the  west  bank  of  the  Hudson.  Van 
der  Donck  alludes  to  this  seal  in  one  of  his  papers, 
when  the  historian  says  that  New  Netherland  was 
called  a  province  because  it  was  invested  by  their 
High  Mightinesses  with  the  arms  of  an  earl. 

The  officials  of  the  Swedish  settlements  along 
the  east  bank  of  the  Delaware  used  a  seal,  al- 
though little  is  known  of  the  matter.  To  the  seal 
of  New  Albion  reference  has  already  been  made. 

The  grant  by  James,  Duke  of  York,  to  Carteret 
and  Berkeley  brought  into  use  the  arms  of  Sir 
George  Carteret,  which  appears  in  the  New  Jer- 
sey Archives,  Vol.  I,  page  GO.  This  design,  says 
Zieber,  contains  several  palpable  errors  of  an 
heraldic  character.  In  the  New  Jersey  Archives, 
Vol.  I,  page  27,  appears  the  seal  of  the  province 
of  New  Jersey,  containing  the  arms  of  Berkeley, 
in  duplicate,  with  those  of  Carteret.  One  impres- 
sion is  known  to  exist,  and  is  now  in  the  possession 
of  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society,  having  been 
made  in  1GG4. 

An  early  reference  to  the  seal  of  the  province 
of  East  Jersey  is  to  be  found  upon  thr»  11th  of 
May,  1G85,  when,  in  a  confirmation  of  orders  sent 


iKAI.    OP    KEW    3WKI>KH. 


bkaj.  of  b  man 


340 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


W.AL    OF    KA8T    JTKRMJCY. 


to  Governor  Barclay,  it  is  recited  that  "  For  the 
Just  encouragement  of  those  who  travell  dilli- 
gently  for  the  good  of  the  Publique  and  for  the 
fixing  of  due  Authoritie  in  them,  That  all  com- 
missions Instruments,  Orders  and  Instructions, 
whatsoever,  and  every  of  them,  that  shall  here- 
after have  the  Seale  of  the  Province  affixed  there- 
junto,  and  the  Hands  of  five  whole  Proprietors." 
An  impression  of  this  seal  in  1694,  on  an  instru- 
/'  ment  signed  by  Andrew  Hamilton,  governor,  is  in 
the  possession  of  William  Nelson,  of  Paterson. 
This  seal  was  probably  detroyed  upon  the  sur- 
render of  government  in  1702. 

Of  the  province  of  West  Jersey  a  seal  appears  in 
a  quit-rent  authority  by  both  East  and  WTest  pro- 
prietors to  Rip  Van  Dam,  under  the  date  of  De- 
cember 14,  1697. 

The  attempt  of  the  Duke  of  York  to  foist  his 
representative  Andros  upon  the  Jerseys,  while 
abortive,  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  new  seal. 
As  early  as  September  18,  1685,  Governor 
Thomas  Dongan,  of  New  York,  wrote  that 
"  A  New  Seal  of  this  Province  is  very  much 
wanting."  The  King  appointed  a  seal  for 
"  Our  Province  of  New  York  and  the  Terri- 
torys  depending  thereupon  in  America,"  thus  in- 
cluding the  Jerseys.  The  seal  is  described,  in  a 
warrant,  under  date  of  August  14, 1687,  as  "  being 
engraven  on  the  one  side  with  Our  Royal  Effigies 


Rip  Van  Dam,  h.  Albany,  N.  T.,  about 
1662;  merchant:  member  provincial 
council  many  yeara;  provincial  gover- 
nor July  1,  1731.  to  Aug.  1,  1732 ;  d.  New 
Vork  Citj  after  1786. 


VUtfl'lscvn*-(7c 


cvtrx, 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


341 


on  Horsback  in  Arms  over  a  Land-skip  of  Land  & 
Sea,  with  a  Rising  Sun  and  a  Scrole  containing 
this  Motto  Aliusq  et  Idem,  and  our  Titles  round 
the  circumference  of  the  said  Seal.  There  being 
alsoe  engraven  on  the  other  side  Our  Royal  Arms 
with  the  Garter,  Crown,  Supporters  &  Motto,  with 
this  Inscription  round  ye  Circumference,  Siyillum 
Provincue  Nostras  Novi  Eboraci  <&c  in  America. 
*  *  *  and  that  it  bee  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses of  the  same  force  &  validity  as  any  former 
seal  within  our  said  Province,  or  as  any  other  seal 
whatsoever  appointed  for  the  use  of  any  of  Our 
Plantations  in  America  is  or  hath  been."  This 
seal  was  ordered  defaced  on  the  16th  day  of  April) 
1688,  and  in  its  place  the  great  seal  of  New  Eng- 
land  was  used.  An  order  was  issued  to  Governor 
Dongan  to  deliver  his  seal  to  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 
which  was  broken  in  New  York  City  in  Septem- 
ber of  that  year. 

After  the  union  of  1702  Lord  Cornbury,upon  the 
8th  of  July,  1705,  requested  a  new  seal  for  New 
Jersey,  as  "  the  old  one  is  very  much  worn."  A 
seal  had  already  been  sent  for  the  colony,  as  Sec- 
retary William  Popple  wrote  on  the  28th  of  July, 
1705. 

The  first  seal  used  for  New  Jersey  as  a  royal 
colony  under  Queen  Anne  was  similar  to  that  used 
in  the  colony  of  New  York,  which  was  engraven 
upon  one  side  with  the  royal  effigy,  with  two  In- 


THfr    1HIRK    OK    YORK 


GRKAT    8K». 


342 


NEW  JEKSEY  AS  A  COL 


MKAX    OF   WKftT   JKR8KY. 


dians  kneeling  and  offering  presents,  with  the 
royal  titles  around  the  circumference,  and  upon 
the  other  side  with  the  royal  arms,  garter,  crown, 
supporters,  and  motto  Semper  Eadem. 

In  July,  1718,  Governor  Uobert  Hunter  received 
the  new  seals  for  New  Jersey,  which  had  been  is- 
sued by  a  warrant  from  George  I.,  dated  October 
8,  1717,  wherein  the  King  directs  the  governor  on 
receipt  of  the  "  new  Seals  "  to  cause  "  the  former 
Seal  to  be  broke  before  you  in  Council  and  then 
to  transmit  the  said  former  Seal  so  broken  to  our 
Com"  for  Trade  and  Plantations  to  be  laid  before 
Us  in  Council  as  usual."  This  seal  was  engraven 
with  the  royal  arms,  garter,  supporters,  motto, 
and  crown,  with  this  inscription  round  the  same, 
"Siy:  Provincial  nostra;  de  Nova  Cwsarea  in  Amer- 
ica." 

This  seal  of  George  I  lasted  until  the  accession 
of  his  successor.  Upon  the  17th  of  November, 
1727,  a  warrant  was  issued  from  the  board  of  plan- 
tations to  "  Mr.  Rollos  His  Majesty's  Seal  Cutter 
to  prepare  new  Seals  for  His  Majesty's  Planta- 
tions in  America." 

The  order  from  Council  included  all  the  colonies 
and  plantations  in  America.  The  general  direc- 
tion commanded  the  insertion  of  the  King's  par- 
ticular arms  and  foreign  titles  as  in  the  great  seal 
of  the  kingdom.  To  the  seal  cutter  discretion  was 
given  in  contracting   words.    The   seal   was  the 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


343 


same  as  that  of  1717,  with  this  addition:  "  in  an 
outward  Circle:  "  "  Georgicus  II  Dei  Gratia  Mag- 
nee  Britaniee  Franciae  Et  Hib :  Rex.  Fid :  Defensor 
Brunsvici  et  Luneburgi  Dux,  Sacri  Bomani  Im- 
perij  Archi  Thesaurarius  et  Elector."  The  ship 
bearing  this  seal  was  cast  away,  and  the  symbol 
of  authority  lost.  However,  under  date  of  Decem- 
ber 17,  1731,  another  was  ordered. 

On  the  20th  day  of  October,  1760,  according  to 
the  New  Jersey  Archives,  Vol.  IX,  pages  239,  243, 
247,  and  640,  George  III  directed  Governor  Thom- 
as Boone,  through  an  order  from  the  secretary, 
William  Pitt,  to  continue  the  use  of  the  former 
seal.  Upon  the  29th  of  the  same  month  a  circular 
letter  was  addressed  from  the  Lords  of  Trade  to 
the  governors  in  North  America  informing  them 
that  warrants  for  using  the  old  seals  were  in 
preparation,  together  with  proclamations  for  con- 
tinuing officers  in  their  employments,  orders  for 
the  alteration  of  the  liturgy,  and  the  like.  A  gen- 
eral order  was  issued  from  Whitehall,  December 
2, 1760,  from  John  Pownall,  secretary  of  the  Lords 
of  Trade  and  Plantations,  and  directed  to  Mr. 
Major,  engraver  of  seals,  that  he  engrave  "  new 
ones  for  the  Colonies."  With  the  exception  of 
"  Georgicus  Tertius  "  for  "  Georgicus  Secundus  " 
the  seal  of  New  Jersey  underwent  no  change. 

William  Franklin,  the  last  colonial  governor  of 
New  Jersey,  writing  from  Burlington  under  date 


344  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

of  October  6,  1767,  acknowledges  to  the  Earl  of 
Shelburne  the  receipt  of  a  new  seal  for  New  Jersej 
and  a  warrant  for  the  use  thereof.  The  old  seal 
was  returned,  and  was  defaced  at  Saint  James  on 
the  20th  of  April,  1768,  together  with  the  seals  of 
some  of  the  West  Indies,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Nova  Scotia,  New  York,  and  Massachusetts  Bay. 


CHAPTER    XXII 
Thk  War  with  Mexico 


Detailed  information  as  to  the  part  played  hy  Ne*  Jersey  in  the  Mexx 
can  War,  as  in  the  various  other  wars  In  which  New  Jeraeymen  too*. 
part,  was  furnished  through  the  courtesy  of  the  office  of  Alexander  C. 
Oliphant,  adjutant-general  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey 


^OR  practically  a  decade,  from  1840  to 
1850,  the  eyes  of  the  nation  were 
turned  toward  the  West — a  region  of 
romance,  a  land  concerning  which 
the  wildest  dreams  of  enthusiasts 
fell  far  short  of  actualities.  But  of  the  events 
which  passed  in  rapid  succession,  and  all  of  which 
bore  their  impress  upon  the  ever  present  ques- 
tion of  the  extension  of  slavery,  the  war  with 
Mexico  is  by  far  the  most  important,  not  only  in 
its  dramatic  aspect,  but  in  the  directness  and  far 
reaching  character  of  its  results. 

It  was  upon  March  2,  1836,  that  Texas  declared 
her  independence,  and  one  year  thereafter  the 
United  States  recognized  this  act  of  violent  sepa- 
ration on  the  part  of  a  State  from  the  rule  of  the 
Mexican  republic.  Already  formal  cause  for  com- 
plaint had  existed  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  and  as 
early  as  1835  diplomatic  correspondence  between 
that  republic  and  the  United  States  had  been  sus- 
pended, owing  to  the  charge  that  troops  of  the 
United  States  had  been  sent  into  Texas  for  the 
ostensible  purpose  of  suppressing  Indian  border 
warfare,  but  actually  to  encourage  and  support 
the  revolt  of  the  province.  When  in  1843  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  was  considered  as  a  probability 
the  United  States  was  warned  that  Mexico  would 
consider  such  an  act  as  a  declaration  of  war.  In 
support  of  this  policy  Mexico,  interdicting  trade, 


348  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

dosed  the  custom  bouses  upon  her  northern  bor- 
der. Immediately  the  claim  was  set  up  by  the 
United  States  that  such  a  course  violated  the  obli- 
gations of  the  treaty  between  the  two  countries. 

The  unsuccessful  attempt  to  annex  Texas  in 
March,  1844,  against  which  course  both  France 
and  England  remonstrated,  was  renewed  the  fol- 
lowing year,  and  upon  March  3,  1845,  Texas  was 
admitted  to  the  Union  by  joint  resolution  of 
Congress,  to  which  Texas  assented  upon  the  fol- 
lowing Fourth  of  July.  Although  diplomatic  re- 
lations had  been  renewed  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico,  following  the  estrangement  of 
1835,  all  official  communication  between  the  two 
republics  at  once  ceased.  This  was  followed  by 
the  subsequently  ineffectual  efforts  of  Commis- 
sioner Slidell  to  settle  "  the  present  contention." 

Between  the  Neuces  and  the  Rio  Grande  lay  a 
territory  in  dispute,  which  had  been  claimed  by 
both  Texas,  as  a  republic,  and  Mexico.  With  the 
annexation  of  Texas  the  burden  of  this  frontier 
quarrel  was  thrown  upon  the  United  States,  and 
it  was  there  in  the  early  spring  of  1846  that  the 
troops  of  the  United  States,  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral Zachary  Taylor  and  the  Mexican  army, 
under  General  Arista,  clashed.  Within  this  terri- 
tory in  May  occurred  the  brilliant  battles  of  Fort 
Brown,  Palo  Alto,  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma;  and, 
driving  the  Mexicans  southward,  the  forces  of  the 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


349 


United  States  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  upon  the 
18th  of  the  month.  The  troops  of  the  United 
States  moved  slowly  in  three  divisions  through 
Northern  Mexico.  Monterey  was  captured  during 
the  month  of  September,  and  with  the  subsequent 
fall  of  Buena  Vista  and  the  defeat  of  Santa  Anna 
in  February,  1847,  the  operations  were  later  trans- 
ferred to  Vera  Cruz. 

Beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains  lay  a  partially  ex- 
plored portion  of  Mexico's  vast  American  do- 
minion— a  land  of  valleys,  as  beautiful  as  those  of 
Paradise,  where  nestled  century-old  mission 
churches,  sweeping  deserts  and  mountains,  over 
which  roamed  graziers  with  their  flocks,  and  In- 
dians. It  was  California,  the  "  Garden  of  the 
World."  Thence  under  General  Stephen  Watts 
Kearny,  himself  a  member  of  a  family  distin- 
guished in  the  history  of  New  Jersey,  was  sent  a 
command  of  eighteen  hundred  men,  largely  com- 
posed of  volunteers  from  the  State  of  Missouri, 
as  well  as  certain  Mormons  organized  in  a  bat- 
talion. For  nearly  a  thousand  miles  across  the 
alkali  deserts,  this  force  marched  to  Santa  Fe". 
New  Mexico,  which  was  occupied  on  the  18th  of 
August,  1846.  Leaving  the  command  of  Santa  F£ 
to  Colonel  Price,  General  Kearny  moved  onward 
to  California  with  only  one  hundred  dragoons,  and 


after  a  severe  and  almost  fatal  engagement  at  San 


Pasqual  reached  San  Diego. 


350  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

In  this  conquest  of  California  another  New 
Jerseyman  was  destined  to  play  a  most  conspicu- 
ous part.  Already  the  Pacific  squadron  of  the 
United  States  Navy,  under  Commodore  Sloat, 
had  captured  Monterey,  California,  and  Com- 
mander Montgomery  had  seized  San  Fran- 
cisco. But  it  was  reserved  for  Commodore 
Robert  F.  Stockton,  who  had  succeeded  Com- 
modore Sloat  in  command,  to  occupy  Los 
Angeles,  the  capital  of  California.  The  les- 
sons in  military  tactics  which  Robert  F.  Stockton, 
as  a  lad,  had  studied  at  "  Morven,"  in  Princeton, 
had  stood  him  in  good  stead.  California,  under 
a  constitutional  government,  was  formally  de- 
clared to  be  a  part  of  the  territory  of  the  United 
States,  Colonel  Fremont,  then  engaged  upon  his 
famous  exploring  expedition,  was  appointed  gov- 
ernor, and  the  rose-colored  flag  with  its  emblem  of 
a  bear  and  a  star,  the  sign  of  the  new  republic  of 
California,  which  had  been  but  recently  organized 
by  the  settlers  of  the  Sacramento  Valley,  was 
hauled  down  forever.  To  pacify  the  country 
Commodore  Stockton,  in  September,  had  pene- 
trated the  interior,  and  in  his  absence  Los  Angeles 
again  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mexicans.  Join- 
ing his  force  of  five  hundred  men  to  that  of  Gen- 
eral Kearny,  who  reached  California  in  December, 
thebattles  of  San  Gabriel  and  theMesa  River  were 
fought  early  in  January,  1847.     Thus  the  Pacific 


y 


z  — 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  351 


slope  of  the  Spanish  West  became  annexed  to  the 
United  States,  and  six  hundred  thousand  square 
miles  of  territory  were  added  to  the  public  do- 
main. 

Within  the  limits  of  the  present  republic  of 
Mexico  the  winter  of  1847  brought  not  only  mili- 
tary, but  naval,  activity.  Colonel  Doniphan,  in 
March,  after  a  long  and  arduous  winter  campaign, 
had  captured  Chihuahua,  Commodore  Shubrick 
lad  reduced  Mazatlan,  while  Commodores  Conner 
aid  Perry  had  effectually  scoured  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  and  had  occupied  the  coast  towns  of  Tam- 
pico,  Tobasco,  Alvarado,  and  Tuspan. 

It  was  early  in  March,  1847,  that  General  Scott 
with  twelve  thousand  men,  among  whom  were 
the  New  Jersey  volunteers,  arrived  off  the  princi- 
pal port  of  Mexico's  foreign  commerce,  Vera  Cruz, 
and  after  a  severe  bombardment  lasting  four  days 
the  city  surrendered.  "  On  to  Mexico  City  "  was 
the  cry  that  thrilled  the  American  army,  and  led 
them  to  the  pass  of  Cerro  Gordo.  Here  Santa 
Anna,  the  revolutionary  president  of  the  republic 
of  Mexico,  had  assembled  a  large  and  well  trained 
force.  The  loss  of  Vera  Cruz,  with  the  capture  of 
five  thousand  prisoners,  four  hundred  pieces  of 
ordnance,  and  large  stores  of  ammunition,  had 
told  heavily  upon  the  resources  of  the  Mexican 
republic.  Cerro  Gordo  was  Santa  Anna's  last 
hope,  and  before  the  almost  invincible  position 


352 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


occupied   by   the  Mexicans   General   Scott  was 
temporarily    powerless.     But,    cutting    a    road 
around    a    mountain,    he    succeeded    in    attack- 
ing Santa  Anna's  rear,  while  under  Colonel  Har 
ney  the  tower  of  Cerro  Gordo  was  captured,  and 
General  Pillow  forced  Santa  Anna's  right  to  sur- 
render.   Driving  Santa  Anna  before  him,  General 
Scott  occupied  Puebla,  and  on  the  7th  of  Au 
gust  marched  forward  to  Mexico  City,  fighting  th 
battles  of  Contreras,   Cherubusco,   and  San   A 
tonio.    Delayed  by  an  unwise  armistice,  the  fin 
operations  against  the  City  of  Mexico  were  not 
made  until  the  8th  of  September.    Thence  until 
the  final  capitulation  of  the  city  upon  the  16th 
the  battles  of  Molino  del  Key,  Casa  Mata,  Chapul- 
tepec,  Belen,  and  San  Cosme"  marked  some  of  the 
most  gallant    defenses    and    the    most  brilliant 
charges  ever  witnessed  upon  the  North  American 
continent.    With  the  fall  of   the  City  of  Mexico 
ended  the  war,  and  at  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  upon 
the  2d  of  February,  1848,  the  secret  treaty  of  peace 
between  the  two  republics  was  signed,  while  upon 
the  30th  of  May  the  ratifications  of   the  treaty 
were  exchanged. 

Under  the  treaty  the  Rio   Grande   was  estab- 
lished as  the  boundary  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  from  the  Gulf  to  the  southern  boun 
dary  of  New  Mexico,  thence  along  the  New  Mexico 
line  to  its  western    terminus,    thence   alonpj  the 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  353 

western  side  of  New  Mexico  to  the  first  branch  of 
the  Gila  River,  thence  by  that  branch  to  the  Colo- 
rado River,  and  lastly  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  on 
the  boundary  between  upper  California  and  lower 
California.  Free  navigation  was  granted  citizens 
of  the  United  States  in  the  waters  of  the  Gulf  of 
California,  the  Colorado  River,  the  Gila  River,  and 
the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  south  of  New  Mexico, 
protection  was  guaranteed  all  Mexicans  residing 
hi  the  United  States,  whether  they  retained  Mexi- 
jan  citizenship  or  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  United  States.  To  indemnify  losses  on  the 
part  of  American  citizens  and  for  surrendered  ter- 
ritory the  United  States  agreed  to  pay  fifteen  mil- 
lion dollars.  Thus  passed  under  the  control  of 
the  United  States  government:  California,  New 
Mexico,  Nevada,  Arizona,  Utah,  and  parts  of  Colo- 
rado, and  Wyoming.  On  December  30,  1853,  by 
reason  of  the  Gadsden  purchase,  the  southern 
watershed  of  the  Gila  River  (the  Mesilla  Valley) 
was  added  to  the  territory  obtained  by  conquest, 
which  created  the  southern  boundaries  of  New 
Mexico  and  Arizona  as  at  present  existing. 

The  declaration  of  war  with  Mexico  aroused 
the  military  ardor  of  New  Jersey.  Although  a 
generation  had  passed  away  since  the  State,  in 
1812,  had  responded  to  the  call  for  volunteers, 
yet  the  continuous  if  not  efficient  organization  of 
the  State  militia  had  sustained  a  martial  spirit. 


354 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


CHARLES  C.   STRATTON. 


The  war  itself  was  generally  popular  in  New  Jer- 
sey, and  received  the  commendation  of  the  press. 
Thus  the  commencement  of  the  struggle  found 
New  Jersey  ready  to  respond  to  any  demand  upon 
her  resources  that  the  federal  government  should 
make. 

Following  an  executive  message  to  Congress, 
which  was  sent  upon  the  11th  of  May,  1846,  Presi 

A 

dent  Polk,  upon  the  13th  of  May,  approved  ana  ct 
"  providing  for  the  prosecution  of  the  existing  tcl  ar 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico."    Undc'r 
the  statute  the  President  was  authorized  to  make 
a  call  for  volunteers  not  exceeding  fifty  thousand 
men,  "  who  may  offer  their  services  either  as  cav- 
alry, artillery,  infantry,  or  riflemen,"  to  serve  for 
twelve   months,   while   in   addition   the  sum   of 
ten  million    dollars    was    appropriated  from  the 
national  treasury  for  military  expenses. 

Upon  the  volunteers  fell  the  expense  of  furnish- 
ing their  own  clothes,  while  the  cavalrymen  were 
required  to  provide  horses  and  "  horse  equip- 
ments." To  Governor  Charles  C.  Stratton,  under 
date  of  May  19th,  came  a  requisition  from  the  sec- 
retary of  war  calling  for  one  volunteer  regiment 
of  infantry  from  New  Jersey,  the  number  of  men 
in  each  company  to  be  limited  to  sixty-four.  In- 
stantly Governor  Stratton  issued  a  proclamation 
"  calling  upon  the  organized  uniform  compa- 
nies and  other  citizens  of  the  State  to  enroll  them- 


Charles  C.  Stratton,  governor  of  New  Jersey 
1844-48 ;  b.  Swedesboro,  N.  J.,  1796 ;  member  Legis- 
lature four  terni3 ;  member  of  Congress  1837-39  and 
1841-45  ;  member  State  constitutional  convention  1844  ; 
d.  Swedesboro.  Warcb  30,  1869. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  355 

selves  "  in  a  company  of  infantry  (riflemen)  and  a 
regiment  of  infantry  (riflemen),  under  which  call 
"  many  companies  of  the  militia  of  the  State  of- 
fered their  services,  but  none  were  accepted  at  the 
time." 

The  opening  of  the  year  1847  found  the  people 
of  New  Jersey  heartily  in  favor  of  the  war,  judged 
at  least  by  the  attitude  of  the  Legislature  in  the 
passage  of  two  joint  resolutions.  Upon  the  28th 
of  January  the  Legislature,  in  a  preamble  to  these 
joint  resolutions,  stated  that  General  Taylor's 
course  "  has  been  such  as  has  commanded  the  ad- 
miration of  his  countrymen  as  well  as  to  elicit 
praise  from  foreign  nations,  and  we  have  seen 
with  regret  an  attempt  made  to  defame  and  de- 
tract from  his  hard  earned  reputation,  gained  by 
a  life  spent  in  the  service  of  his  country,  in  the 
War  of  1812,  in  the  swamps  of  Florida,  and  in  the 
chapparals  of  Mexico."  Therefore,  it  was  resolved 
"  that  the  skill,  ability,  and  indomitable  bravery 
displayed  in  the  Mexican  War  by  General  Zachary 
Taylor  merit  our  warmest  praise,"  and  that  the 
thanks  of  the  Legislature  were  due  him  as  well  as 
to  the  gallant  men  who  fought  upon  the  fields  of 
Palo  Alto,  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  and  Monterey.  On 
the  19th  of  February  the  governor  was  authorized 
to  procure  and  present  in  the  name  of  the  State  of 
New  Jersey  four  swords  to  four  officers  from  this 
State — Captain    William    R.    Montgomery,    and 


356  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Lieutenants  N.  Beakes  Rossell,  Fowler  Hamilton, 
and  Samuel  G.  French,  of  the  United  States  army. 
A  new  military  establishment  was  created  upon 
the  11th  of  February,  1847,  when  Congress  passed 
an  act  raising  ten  new  regiments  for  the  regular 
army.  Under  the  law  three  companies  were  re- 
cruited for  the  Tenth  Regiment,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Robert  E.  Temple.  Under  a  presidential 
call  for  troops  New  Jersey  was  required,  in  April, 
1847,  to  furnish  five  companies  of  infantry,  to  be 
organized  into  a  battalion  and  rendezvoused  at 
Trenton.  Each  company  was  to  consist  of  eighty 
privates  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  forty- 
five,  and  Captain  Minor  Knowlton,  of  the  First 
Artillery,  United  States  Army,  was  designated  to 
muster  in  the  volunteer  force  of  New  Jersey.  Of 
the  five  companies  but  four  were  organized,  nor 
was  it  until  the  29th  of  September,  1S47,  that  the 
New  Jersey  troops  left  New  York  Harbor  on  the 
ship  "  Senator  "  en  route  for  Vera  Cruz.  Peace 
having  been  declared  upon  July  4, 1848,  the  volun- 
teers returned  to  Fort  Hamilton  upon  the  22d  of 
that  month,  and  upon  the  3d,  4th,  and  5th  of  Au- 
gust were  mustered  out.  Of  the  Tenth  Regiment 
companies  E,  G,  and  H  were  raised  in  New  Jer- 
sey, these  in  May,  1847,  being  sent  forward  to 
Matamoras.  Returning  on  the  ship  "  Pharsalia  " 
and  the  bark  "  General  Taylor,"  these  companies 
were  mustered  out  late  in  August.  1848.     In  the 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  357 


organization  of  the  New  Jersey  battalion  infantry 
volunteers  Dickinson  Woodruff  was  lieutenant- 
colonel,  the  first  lieutenant  being  Edward  Milford 
Bard  and  the  assistant  quartermaster  Isaac 
W.  Mickle.  The  captain  of  Company  A  was  Henry 
A.  Naglee  from  May  17,  1847,  to  April  1,  1848, 
when  he  was  succeeded  by  Assistant  Quartermas- 
ter Isaac  W.  Mickle.  Company  B  had  for  its  cap- 
tains James  Beynolds  and  Francis  Harrison.  The 
captain  of  Company  C  was  David  McDowell  and  of 
Company  D  David  Pierson. 

In  the  Tenth  Regiment  Infantry,  United  States 
Army,  Company  E  had  for  its  captain  Samuel 
Dickinson,  while  Joseph  A.  Yard  was  captain  of 
Company  G.  Owing  to  the  death  of  Captain 
Joshua  W.  Collet,  by  reason  of  a  duel,  Samuel  R. 
Drummer  was  subsequently  elected  captain  of 
Company  H. 

Of  the  New  Jerseymen,  officers  in  the  United 
States  army  and  navy,  during  the  war  with  Mex- 
ico many  attained  great  distinction  and  some 
served  during  the  war  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Union.  Colonel  Harvey  Brown  had  been  honored 
by  brevet  in  the  war  against  the  Florida  Indians, 
and  was  advanced  in  rank  after  the  battle  of 
Contreras  and  for  "  gallant  conduct  at  the  gate  of 
Belen,  City  of  Mexico."  Israel  Carle  Woodruff, 
James  William  Abert,  Robert  Stockton  William- 
son, William  R.  Palmer,  and  Augustus  Canfield 


358  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

later  gained  laurels  as  topographical  engineers. 
Major  Lewis  Golding  Arnold  was  brevetted  for 
gallantry  at  Oontreras,  Cherubusco,  and  Chapul- 
tepec,  as  were  Captain  Samuel  Gibbs  French  for 
his  conduct  at  Monterey  and  Buena  Vista  and 
Colonel  William  Beading  Montgomery  at  Palo 
Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma.  To  Nathan  Beakes 
Rossell  was  given  the  position  of  major  by  brevet 
for  his  gallantry  at  Molino  del  Key,  while  James 
Wall  Schureman  was  honored  with  a  first  lieu- 
tenancy for  his  services  at  Contreras  and  Cheru- 
busco. After  meritorious  conduct  at  Chapultepec 
George  Clinton  WTestcott  was  brevetted  captain. 
But  it  was  not  until  the  year  1858  that  New 
Jersey,  as  a  State,  gave  to  the  veterans  of  the 
Mexican  War  a  tardy  recognition  of  their  serv- 
ices. Upon  the  17th  of  March  of  that  year,  a  dec- 
ade having  passed  since  the  four  companies  of  the 
New  Jersey  battalion  sailed  out  of  New  York  Har- 
bor, the  official  thanks  of  the  citizens  of  New  Jer- 
sey were  tendered  the  officers,  non-commissioned 
officers,  and  privates,  while  the  governor  was  di- 
rected to  issue  commissions  to  surviving  commis- 
sioned officers  of  the  battalion  in  service  at  the 
termination  of  hostilities,  conferring  upon  such 
officers  a  brevet  rank  of  the  next  highest  grade  to 
that  held  by  them  respectively  while  in  actual 
service  during  the  war. 


CHAPTER    XXIII 
The  Days  of  State  Banking  * 


1  Contributed  by  T  bomas  Holmes,  from  his  valuable  monograph  in  "  A 
History  of  Banking  in  the  United  States."  New  York :  Bradford  Rhodes 
and  Company. 


T  WAS  not  until  the  year  1850  that  the  af- 
fairs of  the  State  banks  of  New  Jersey, 
after  a  legislative  history  of  nearly  half  a 
century,  became  subjected  to  anything 
like  a  thorough  scrutiny  on  the  part  of  the 
authorities.  As  a  phase  of  that  movement  of  so- 
cial revolution  marking  the  later  thirties  and  the 
forties,  the  banks  of  New  Jersey,  with  their  more 
or  less  autocratic  management,  were  later  sub- 
jected to  the  operations  of  the  new  act.  The 
statute  was  framed  more  in  the  interest  of  de- 
positors than  in  favor  of  those  who  had  so  long 
managed  many  of  the  banks  in  accordance 
with  their  wills,  if  not  in  accordance  with  their 
consciences.  Under  the  new  statute  the  state 
treasurer  was  authorized  to  have  printed  bank 
notes  of  all  denominations  not  less  than  one  dol- 
lar. These  he  might  issue  to  any  associations  of 
persons  formed  for  the  purpose  of  doing  a  bank- 
ing business,  under  the  provisions  of  the  act,  in 
exchange  for  the  public  stocks  of  New  Jersey,  the 
United  States,  or  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  dol- 
lar for  dollar,  provided  the  stocks  were  productive 
of  a  six  per  cent,  rate  of  interest  per  annum.  He 
was  prohibited  from  taking  such  stock  at  a  rate 
above  its  par  value  of  not  less  than  one  hundred 
cents  on  the  dollar.  Notes  for  circulation  issued 
under  this  act  and  remaining  outstanding  were 
not  at  any  time  to  exceed  three  million  dollars. 


362  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

The  banks  were  authorized,  after  having  executed 
and  signed  such  notes  for  circulation  so  as  to  make 
them  obligatory  promissory  notes  payable  on  de- 
mand, without  interest,  to  circulate  them  as 
money. 

The  treasurer  was  authorized  to  give  to  the 
bank  transferring  stock  to  him  powers  of  attor- 
ney, to  receive  the  interest  and  dividends  thereon, 
which  the  banks  might  apply  to  theier  own  use. 
Such  powers  were  to  be  revoked  upon  a  bank  fail- 
ing to  redeem  the  circulating  notes  it  had  issued, 
or  whenever,  in  the  judgment  of  the  state  treasur- 
er, the  principal  of  the  stock  held  by  him  had  be- 
come insufficient  security.  In  such  a  case  he  was 
to  receive  dividends  on  all  stocks,  as  well  as  the 
interest  on  all  bonds  and  mortgages  deposited  by 
such  banking  association.  These  dividends  and 
interest  were  to  be  deposited  in  some  safe  bank  in 
the  State,  in  his  name,  in  trust  for  the  association 
to  which  it  belonged.  The  deposit  was  to  be  made 
on  such  terms  and  such  rate  of  interest,  not  beyond 
the  legal  rate,  as  the  state  treasurer  deemed  most 
conducive  to  the  interests  of  the  association,  and 
to  be  withdrawn  and  paid  over  whenever,  in  his 
judgment,  the  securities  of  such  association  were 
sufficient  to  warrant  it. 

The  law  provided  that,  instead  of  transferring 
public  stocks  as  security  for  circulating  bills, 
banks  might  secure  one-third  of  the  whole  amount 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  363 

of  the  issue  by  making  and  executing  directly  to 
the  state  treasurer,  or  by  transferring  to  him, 
bonds  and  mortgages  upon  real  estate,  payable  at 
a  period  not  exceeding  one  year  and  bearing  in- 
terest at  six  per  cent.  Before  such  bonds  and 
mortgages  were  accepted  as  security  it  was  re- 
quired that  they  should  have  the  approval  of  the 
State's  attorney-general. 

It  was  required  also  that  the  mortgages  should 
be  upon  improved,  productive,  unencumbered 
lands  within  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  worth,  in- 
dependent of  any  buildings  thereon,  at  least  triple 
the  amount  of  the  mortgage,  and  that  no  mort- 
gage for  a  greater  amount  than  five  thousand  dol- 
lars should  be  taken. 

In  the  event  of  such  security  becoming  insuffi- 
cient for  the  payment  of  the  bills  and  notes  issued 
the  State  treasurer  was  directed  to  notify  the 
president  of  the  banking  association  of  the  fact 
and  he  was  required  within  five  days  to  place  in 
the  State  treasurer's  hands  such  amount  of  securi- 
ties as  would  secure,  in  full,  the  notes  issued.  If 
the  president  of  the  banking  association  neglected 
to  produce  the  securities  in  the  required  time  the 
treasurer  was  authorized  to  take  measures  for 
winding  up  the  affairs  of  the  institution  by  pay- 
ing all  the  circulating  notes  issued  by  such  asso- 
ciation out  of  the  trust  funds  in  his  hands  for  that 
purpose,  and  selling  at  public  auction  the  stocks. 


364  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

bonds,  and  mortgages  pledged  by  the  members  of 
the  association  as  security. 

To  defray  the  cost  of  making  the  plates  and  dies 
and  printing  the  notes  and  bills  each  bank  was  re- 
quired to  pay  an  assessment.  A  banking  associa- 
tion was  required  to  have  seven  members,  and  an 
aggregate  capital  stock  of  not  less  than  fifty  thou- 
sand dollars  nor  more  than  five  hundred  thousand 
dollars.  Any  creditor  shareholder  of  a  bank, 
whose  shares  or  debts  amounted  to  one  thousand 
dollars,  could  secure  an  investigation  of  the  affairs 
of  the  institution  through  a  master  in  chancery  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose  by  the  chancellor. 

In  1851  the  act  was  amended  so  as  to  admit  the 
taking  of  the  stocks  of  the  States  of  New  York, 
Ohio,  Kentucky,  Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia  as 
securities.  When  this  law  went  into  effect  there 
were  in  operation  in  the  State,  under  the  law  of 
1812,  twenty-four  banks  with  an  aggregate  capital 
of  $3,596,720,  circulation  $2,548,352.99,  specie 
#630,734.46,  and  deposits  #1,886,595.30. 

Thence  until  1863,  when  the  national  banking 
law  was  passed,  the  State  banks,  organized  under 
the  general  banking  law  of  1850,  varied  in  num- 
ber. In  1852  there  were  nineteen  associations; 
in  1854  there  were  fifteen;  in  1856  six  com- 
plied with  the  law;  1859  found  eleven  banks; 
in  1860  there  were  eight;  and  in  1863  there 
were  twelve  such  institutions.    The  amount  of  se- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


365 


curities  held  by  these  banks  ranged  from  four  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars  in  1856  to  one  million  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  in  1863,  with 
practically  a  proportionate  range  in  circulation. 

Until  the  passage  of  the  general  banking  law 
of  1850  the  history  of  State  banking  in  New  Jer- 
sey had  not  been  unlike  that  of  other  States. 
Though  not  as  apparent  as  in  the  present  mid- 
West  there  was  the  ever  present  spirit  of  reckless- 
ness and  defiance  of  State  authority.  The  charters 
of  the  New  Jersey  banks  were  liberal  in  the  ex- 
treme, leading  often  to  flagrant  abuses;  and  while 
the  majority  of  such  institutions  were  conceived 
in  honesty  yet  their  subsequent  management  was 
so  surcharged  with  the  spirit  of  speculation  that 
even  the  most  conservative  fell  under  its  influence. 

The  position  of  New  Jersey  between  the  bank-     Hamilton  monument. 

.  «  ..,  -ir       i  j    tilm      i    i~t  '~    ^~A  +  A Raised  on  the  site  where  Hamilton 

ing  centers  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  led  tOy,,,,,,,,^,,,,,^^, 
an  early  agitation  concerning  the  desirability  of 
banks.  Upon  the  shores  of  the  Hudson  Alexander 
Hamilton's  Bank  of  New  York  had  commenced 
business  in  1784.  A  branch  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  and  Aaron  Burr's  Manhattan  Bank 
were  also  in  active  operation.  In  Philadelphia 
the  Bank  of  North  America,  chartered  by  Con- 
gress in  1781  and  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in 
1782,  and  the  Bank  of  Pennsylvania  were  in  ex- 
istence, yet  these  facilities  were  insufficient,  for 
New  Jersey.  By  1804  there  had  developed  a  small 


366  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

center  of  industry  at  Newark,  while  a  river  and 
country  trade  was  beginning  to  make  Trenton  a 
town  of  importance,  particularly  as  the  project 
of  a  bridge  crossing  the  Delaware  was  destined  to 
divert  travel  from  Pennsylvania  to  that  town.  To 
accommodate  the  merchants  of  the  eastern  and 
western  portions  of  the  State,  to  upbuild  the  re- 
spective communities,  and  to  overcome  the  trials 
of  journeys  to  Philadelphia  and  New  York  two 
important  banks  were  established  by  act  of  the 
Legislature  during  the  year  1804 — one  in  Newark, 
the  first  bank  in  the  State,  and  the  other  a  few 
months  afterward  in  Trenton. 

To  many,  indeed  to  the  mass,  of  the  people  at 
the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  a  bank  was 
a  mystery.  A  thousand  fears  as  to  the  ultimate 
safety  of  their  money  surged  through  the  breasts 
of  the  first  depositors,  whose  ancestors  for  cen- 
turies had  hidden  hard-earned  gold  and  silver  in 
the  feet  of  old  stockings,  and  had  put  the  hoard  in 
a  place  of  safety  under  a  movable  stone  in  the 
kitchen  floor,  or  behind  a  loose  board  in  the  wain- 
scoted closet  of  the  "  best  room."  The  art  of  the 
banker  in  taking  funds  and  promising  to  return 
interest  savored  much  of  the  methods  of  the  trav- 
elling showmen,  who  drew  rabbits  from  the  pock- 
ets of  the  town  boys  gathered  upon  the  village 
common  or  extracted  bird-cages  from  the  clinging 
folds  of  the  gowns  of  the  daughters  of  the  "  qual- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  367 

ity  "  gathered  in  awe-struck  but  respectful  ad- 
miration. Few  saw  how  a  name  on  a  piece  of 
paper  with  another  man's  name  on  the  back  could 
bring  money  from  a  secret,  iron-bound  oak  chest, 
and  fewer  still  saw  how  the  bank  could  be  repaid. 
Those  were  rare  old  days  in  1800,  but  they  were 
financially  crude.  Yet  in  spite  of  opposition,  and 
with  the  burden  of  educating  future  customers, 
the  Newark  Banking  and  Insurance  Company  was 
incorporated,  its  first  president  being  the  well 
known  Elisha  Boudinot. 

The  business  of  the  bank  began  in  the  parlor  of 
Smith  Burnet's  residence  on  Broad  Street,  and 
the  first  depositor  was  Justice  Boudinot  himself, 
who  intrusted  to  the  bank  three  hundred  dollars. 
When  the  books  were  closed  on  the  first  day's  busi- 
ness they  showed  that  four  thousand  dollars  had 
been  deposited.  Cash  came  in  so  rapidly  during 
the  next  four  or  five  days  that  the  directors  de- 
cided to  open  an  account  with  the  Manhattan 
Bank  of  New  York,  to  which  institution  the  funds 
were  taken,  and  there  they  remained  until  the 
following  year,  when  the  company  erected  a  com- 
modious bank  building  in  Newark.  The  Newark 
Banking  and  Insurance  Company  began  business 
with  a  capitalization  of  eight  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  of  which  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
was  paid  in,  and  for  the  privilege  of  operating  it 
paid  the  State  a  bonus  of  $1,482.  The  bank's  char 


2 
ONE    1  CENT 


308  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


ter  ran  for  a  period  of  twenty  years,  and  when  it 
was  extended  for  the  third  time  the  bank  changed 
its  name  to  the  Newark  Banking  Company  and 
became  a  national  bank.  During  the  sixty  years 
of  its  existence  as  a  chartered  institution  the  New- 
ark bank's  business  increased  until,  when  it  be- 
came a  national  bank,  its  assets  amounted  to  $2,- 
285,695. 

In  1804,  as  a  part  of  the  Paulus  Hook  project, 
the  Jersey  Bank  was  also  organized. 

The  organization  of  the  Trenton  Banking  Com- 
pany, in  1804,  presents  an  equally  if  not  more 
interesting  career.  Organized  with  a  capital  of 
six  hundred  thousand  dollars,  about  one-third  was 
paid  in.  The  first  president  of  the  institution  was 
Isaac  Smith,  who  was  for  many  years  an  asso- 
ciate justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  Jersey. 
He  had  been  a  member  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress and  a  colonel  in  the  Continental  Army. 
When  the  bank  was  started  the  State  refused 
to  accept  a  bonus,  reserving  the  right  to  subscribe 
for  stock,  which  was  done  in  1810  to  the  amount 
of  |24,000.  This  was  carried  for  the  benefit  of  the 
public  schools.  The  first  loan  to  the  State, 
amounting  to  $32,000,  was  made  for  military 
purposes  December  17,  1813,  during  the  war  with 
England. 

The  success  of  the  banks  at  Newark  and  Tren- 
ton led  to  the  incorporation  of  a  bank  at  New 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  369 

Brunswick  in  1807,  with  a  capital  of  $200,000,  of 
which  $90,000  was  paid  in.  The  bonus  paid  the 
State  was  $6,000. 

The  year  1812  marked  the  establishment  of  a  , 
series  of  State  banks  under  an  act  of  the  Legisla- 
ture approved  January  28th  and  signed  by  the 
federalist  governor,  Aaron  Ogden.  There  was  still 
much  distrust  concerning  the  private  banks 
and  it  was  a  strong  appeal  that  was  made 
to  the  Legislature  to  the  end  that  the  House 
of  Assembly  and  Council  enact  a  law  under  which 
State  banks  might  be  organized  and  which  would 
give  the  depositor  some  assurance  that  his  inter- 
ests were  reasonably  secure.  Under  these  au- 
spices "  State  banks  "  at  Camden,  Trenton,  New 
Brunswick,  Elizabeth,  Newark,  and  Morristown, 
were  created,  the  charter  of  each  to  run  twenty 
years. 

The  law  provided  that  the  shares  of  these  banks 
should  be  fixed  at  a  valuation  of  fifty  dollars  each, 
and  that  half  of  the  capital  subscribed  should 
be  reserved  for  the  State.  No  subscription  for 
stock  was  to  be  received  from  any  but  citizens  of 
New  Jersey  for  the  first  five  days  that  the  sub- 
scription books  were  opened  to  the  public.  A 
commission  of  reliable  citizens  was  appointed  by 
the  Legislature  to  receive  subscriptions  for  the 
stock  of  each  bank.  If  at  the  end  of  fifteen  days 
more  stock  had  been   subscribed   than  had  been 


370  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

issued  an  equitable  deduction  was  to  be  made 
from  those  who  had  been  the  largest  purchasers. 
The  president  and  directors  of  the  institutions  were 
appointed  by  the  Legislature  for  the  first  year,  at 
the  end  of  which  time  the  stockholders  were  to 
elect  directors,  who  should  choose  a  president  of 
the  board.  The  rate  of  discount  of  bills  and  notes 
of  the  banks  was  not  to  be  more  than  seven  per 
cent.,  and  dividends  were  to  be  declared  every  six 
months. 

The  law  provided  that  the  banks  should  not 
at  any  time  loan  or  discount  a  greater  sum  than 
double  the  amount  of  the  capital  stock  paid  in.  It 
was  declared  also  that  banks  could  not  own  ves- 
sels, or  directly  or  indirectly  be  concerned  in  trade, 
or  the  importation  or  exportation,  purchase  or 
sale,  of  any  goods  unless  pledged  to  them  as  se- 
curity for  debts.  The  same  provision  applied  to 
real  estate. 

The  amount  of  indebtedness  that  the  banks 
might  incur  was  fixed  at  a  sum  not  to  exceed 
twice  the  amount  of  the  capital  stock  paid  in,  over 
and  above  the  deposits  made  with  the  bank  for 
safe  keeping.  In  the  event  of  this  limit  being  ex- 
ceeded the  directors  under  whose  administration 
the  excess  occurred  were  held  liable  for  the 
amount  in  their  individual  and  private  capacities. 
If  there  were  directors  who  were  not  present  when 
the  debt  was  contracted  there  was  an  opportunity 


5WT"^  mM*M*m,^  mM,  'M.  *>#;"  *J%1 

*  O  SIX  CENTS. 6  #2 

!g(  The  Corporation  of  the  City  of     % 

«*      Sew  York -r.tfaxi s-s  tc  psyths  Btstsr      rm 
.  a&demaxuT,        _^  «o^£ 


I     sixD 


SIX  \}  CENTS 


*' 


». 


]A  *S    JTewYork  26th  December,  1#U.    £ 
j^«0       By  Order  of  1h»<topae»ua«v 


SIX  CENTS 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  371 


for  them  to  escape  the  liability  by  notifying  the 
state  treasurer  of  the  fact.  The  banks  were  re- 
quired to  make  a  report  of  their  assets  and  liabili- 
ties each  year  to  the  state  treasurer.  No  notes 
were  to  be  issued  at  a  less  value  than  three  dollars, 
but  a  universal  demand  for  currency  of  a  similar 
denomination  resulted  in  an  amendment  to  the 
law  in  1813,  which  enabled  the  banks  to  issue 
notes  of  the  denomination  of  one  dollar. 

Encouraged  by  this  action  of  the  Legislature, 
men  with  capital  and  brains  went  into  the  bank- 
ing business  in  all  parts  of  the  State,  and  they 
thrived,  in  many  instances,  at  the  expense  of 
stockholders  and  depositors.  Excepting  a  few  im- 
material amendments,  the  banking  law  of  1812 
stood  unchanged  until  1850. 

Following  the  incorporation  of  the  State  banks 
of  1812  banks  were  incorporated  in  Paterson  and 
Mount  Holly  in  1815,  while  in  the  next  year  the 
Cumberland  Bank  in  Bridgeton  was  chartered. 
After  the  panic  of  1817  New  Jersey  with  the 
other  States  gave  banking  privileges  to  corpora- 
tions organized  for  manufacturing  and  transpor- 
tation purposes.  Thus  in  1822  the  Salem  Steam 
Mill  and  Banking  Company,  in  1823  the  New  Jer- 
sey Manufacturing  and  Banking  Company,  of  llo- 
boken,  and  in  1824  the  Morris  Canal  and  Banking 
Company  came  into  existence.  During  the  third 
decade  of  the  century  the  Commercial,  of  Perth 


372  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

Amboy  (1822),  the  Franklin,  of  Jersey  City  (1824), 
the  People's,  of  Paterson  (1824),  the  Salem  Bank- 
ing Company  (1825),  the  Farmers  and  Mechanics, 
of  Rahway  (1826),  and  the  Orange  Bank  (1828) 
were  chartered.  In  1830  State  banks  were  organ- 
ized at  Middletown  Point  and  Belvidere,  while  in 
1831  the  Mechanics,  at  Newark,  and  in  1832  the 
Mechanics,  at  Paterson,  received  charters.  The 
year  1834  saw  new  banks  in  New  Brunswick, 
Trenton,  Belleville  and  Princeton,  while  in  1837 
the  legislative  flood  tide  of  incorporation  brought 
additional  institutions  to  Newark,  Bergen  Point, 
Medford,  Elizabeth,  Plainfield  and  Hamburg. 
Between  1832  and  1836  the  State  bank  craze  had 
swept  over  the  United  States,  increasing  the  num- 
ber of  banks  from  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
to  five  hundred  and  eighty-three.  To  this  total 
New  Jersey  was  a  contributor,  although  the  vast 
majority  operated  in  the  South  and  middle  West. 
With  the  evil  days  of  1837  came  the  reaping  of 
the  reward  of  speculation,  of  flooding  New  Jersey 
with  depreciated  paper  money,  and  of  defiance  of 
State  authority.  In  1837  a  commission  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  Legislature  to  examine  into  the 
condition  of  the  banks  in  the  State  and  report  to 
that  body.  This  report  was  not  very  flattering  to 
the  officers  of  some  of  the  combination  manufac- 
turing and  banking  concerns.  Although  the  law 
required  that  the  bank  officials  should  make  an 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  373 


annual  report  to  the  state  treasurer  of  the  finan- 
cial condition  of  the  banks  many  of  them  refused 
or  neglected  to  do  so.  The  result  of  the  investiga- 
tion instigated  by  the  Legislature  was  the  winding 
up  of  the  business  of  several  "  wildcat "  concerns 
and  the  general  purification  of  the  financial  at- 
mosphere. 

An  instance  of  popular  sentiment  may  be 
cited  illustrative  of  the  intensely  feverish  state 
of  the  public  mind  during  1837.  In  that 
year  a  "  run "  was  made  upon  the  Trenton 
Banking  Company  and  there  were  not  enough 
funds  in  the  vaults  to  meet  the  demand.  There 
was  no  railroad  at  that  time  between  Trenton  and 
Philadelphia.  But  some  measure  had  to  be  taken 
to  save  the  bank.  Benjamin  Fish,  of  Trenton, 
one  of  the  directors,  drove  to  Philadelphia,  loaded 
a  wagon  with  silver,  returned  to  Trenton,  and  un 
loaded  the  coin  in  front  of  the  bank.  The  sight  of 
the  money  inspired  the  excited  depositors  with 
confidence  and  they  quickly  withdrew,  satisfied 
that  the  bank  had  the  ability  to  redeem  its  notes 
in  coin  on  demand. 

The  suspension  of  specie  payment  character- 
ized the  action  of  all  the  other  banks  in  the  State 
during  1837,  with  the  exception  of  the  Paterson 
Bank.  The  Sussex  Bank  suspended  such  payment 
for  a  few  days  only. 

Upon  March  5,  1842,  specie  payments  were  re- 


374  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 

sumecl  and  a  law  was  passed  warning  the  banks 
not  to  issue  notes,  bills  or  drafts  prior  to  the  15th 
day  of  August  of  that  year,  fixing  as  a  penalty  for 
violation  of  the  law  the  forfeiture  of  their  char- 
ters. Thence  until  the  passage  of  the  national 
banking  act  of  1S63  the  history  of  banks  in  New 
Jersey  presents  no  distinctive  elements  of  general 
interest 


CHAPTER    XXIV 
Three  Decades  of  Politics — 1829-59 


NTO  the  gubernatorial  election  of  1829  was 
injected  the  strong  personality  of  a  New 
Jerseyman  who  did  not  seek  the  office,  and 
who  immediately  after  election  was  com- 
pelled to  decline  the  position.  This  was 
owing  to  devotion  to  his  family,  his  increasing 
law  practice,  and  the  fact  that  he  had  been  ap- 
pointed United  States  attorney  for  the  District  of 
New  Jersey.  To  this  was  added  a  dislike  for  any 
judicial  position,  which  as  governor  and  chan- 
cellor he  would  have  been  compelled  to  assume. 
Such  was  the  attitude  of  Garret  D.  Wall,  whose 
name  was  presented  to  the  joint  meeting  in  oppo- 
sition to  that  of  Isaac  H.  Williamson. 

Garret  D.  Wall  had  been  bred  in  Federalism, 
but  as  he  himself  said  his  change  to  Democracy 
had  been  "  a  plant  of  slow  growth,"  and  was  the 
result  of  "  reflection,  experience,  and  a  conquest 
over  error  and  prejudice,"  much  unlike  the  change 
experienced  by  Samuel  L.  Southard,  who,  revers- 
ing Mr.  Wall's  political  experience,  "  went  to  bed 
one  night  a  Democrat  and  rose  the  next  morning  a 
Federalist."  But  once  the  change  had  come  Gar- 
ret D.  Wall  became  a  central  figure  in  that  De- 
mocracy which  circled  around  the  political  lumin- 
ary, Andrew  Jackson.  The  days  of  conservatism 
were  passing  away;  with  this  election  and  the 
defeat  of  Governor  Williamson  the  last  shreds  of 
even  nominally  organized  Federalism  were  scat- 


ISAAi 


Isaac  Halstcd  Williamson.  0.  rcii 
17C7;  lawyer  1731:  deputy  utt . 
County ;  governor 
elected  I  Council  18.11  ;  n 

dent  New  Jersey  conatltutlonal   e< 
Ellzabethtown,  July  10.  184 < 


378  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

tered  to  the  winds.  Another  candidate  also  ap- 
peared, Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
William  Chetwood,  a  Jackson  Federalist,  who 
secured  but  two  votes,  the  member  of  Council 
from  Somerset  and  a  member  of  the  house  from 
Middlesex  County.  The  election  of  governor  in 
the  year  1829  took  place  upon  the  30th  of  October. 
Governor  Williamson  contesting  as  his  own  suc- 
cessor, secured  the  votes  of  members  of  Council 
from  Bergen,  Essex,  Cumberland,  and  Cape  May 
Counties.  Of  the  House  of  Assembly  he  had  two 
of  three  from  Bergen  County,  two  of  four  from 
Essex  County,  one  of  four  from  Hunterdon  Coun- 
ty, one  of  three  from  Somerset  County,  one  of  four 
from  Burlington  County,  and  solid  delegations 
from  Cumberland  and  Cape  May  Counties.  This 
gave  him  fifteen  votes. 

It  was  on  the  6th  of  November,  1829,  that  Mr. 
Wall  tendered  his  resignation  of  the  office  and 
upon  the  same  day  the  joint  meeting  selected 
Peter  D.  Vroom  governor  of  New  Jersey.  Like 
Mr.  Wall  Governor  Vroom's  early  life  had  been 
spent  under  Federalists  influences,  but  in  1824, 
with  his  father,  Colonel  Peter  D.  Vroom,  Sr.,  he 
had  espoused  the  cause  of  Jackson,  when  the  can- 
didacy of  John  Quincy  Adams  had  renewed  the 
bitterness  felt  against  the  Massachusetts  leader, 
the  outgrowth  of  his  previous  desertion  of  Federal- 
ism for  the  party  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  For  three 


H 


(Drawn  by  C.  Fendrich.      From  a  steel  ]>late  engraved  bj  V.  Balcli.  i 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  379 

years  Mr.  Vroom  had  represented  Somerset  Coun- 
ty in  the  House  of  Assembly,  and  it  was  the  occa- 
sion for  little  surprise  that  the  administration 
party  in  1829  should  select  him  as  the  party  leader. 
His  opponent  was  Isaac  H.  Williamson,  whose 
vote  was  unchanged  from  that  cast  upon  the  30th 
of  October,  except  the  member  of  the  House  from 
Burlington  voted  for  Mr.  Vroom.  The  vote  thus 
stood  forty-two  to  thirteen.  Upon  the  29th  of  Oc- 
tober, 1830,  and  the  28th  of  October,  1831,  Mr. 
Vroom  was  reelected  without  opposition. 

The  election  for  governor  held  upon  the  20th  of 
October,  1832,  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Samuel  L. 
Southard.  As  the  first  representative  of  the  new- 
ly-formed Whig  party  Mr.  Southard  defeated  his 
only  antagonist,  Peter  D.  Vroom.  The  former 
governor  had  solid  delegations  from  the  Counties 
of  Bergen,  Somerset,  Sussex,  Warren,  and  Hunter- 
don, with  a  member  of  Council  and  one  of  four 
members  of  the  House  from  Monmouth  County. 
The  vote  in  Mr.  Southard's  favor  was  forty  to 
twenty-four. 

During  the  few  short  months  of  Governor 
Southard's  occupancy  of  the  chair  he  communi- 
cated to  the  Legislature  the  South  Carolina  "Nul- 
lification Ordinance,"  upon  which  subject  he  con- 
curred in  the  views  of  President  Jackson,  for 
whom  he  had  a  high  personal  regard,  but  feared 
the  effect  of  his  violent  passions.    This  fear  was 


••"'i 


)80 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


expressed  in  Governor  Southard's  message  to  the 
Legislature,  in  which,  treating  upon  President 
Jackson's  bitter  hostility  toward  the  act  of  South 
Carolina,  he  regretted  "  expressions  which  might 
be  regarded  as  personal  invective." 

The  resignation  of  Mr.  Southard,  upon  February 
27,  1833,  to  accept  the  United  States  senatorship 
brought  forward  three  candidates  for  the  succes- 
sion. They  were  Elias  P.  Seeley,  Cornelius  L. 
Hardenbergh,  and  Joseph  W.  Scott.  While  these 
candidates  had  attained  distinction  none  had  se- 
cured the  conspicuous  positions  occupied  by  their 
predecessors.  In  the  vote  taken  upon  the  27th  of 
February,  1833,  Elias  P.  Seeley,  the  Whig  candi- 
date, secured  thirty  members,  Hardenbergh 
twenty-one,  and  Scott  eight.  The  Hardenbergh 
vote  was  obtained  from  solid  delegations  from  the 
Counties  of  Bergen,  Somerset,  Sussex,  Warren 
(except  one  member  of  the  House),  and  Hunter- 
don (except  the  member  of  Council),  and  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House  and  a  member  of  Council  from 
Monmouth  County.  For  Scott  the  delegation 
from  Middlesex  County  voted  solidly,  with  two 
members  of  the  House  from  Monmouth  County. 
The  year  during  which  Elias  P.  Seeley  was  gov- 
,  ernor  was  rendered  memorable  by  the  arguments 
in  the  Hicksite-Orthodox  case  during  the  month 
of  July.  Upon  an  appeal  to  the  Court  of  Appeals, 
of  which,  as  governor,  he  was    presiding  officer, 


ELIAS  P.  SEELEY. 
Elias  P.  Seeley,  governor 
of    New    Jersey    1833 ;    6. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  381 

Seeley  recommended,  as  stated  by  Judge  Elmer  in 
his  "  Reminiscences,"  that  the  litigant  parties 
"  should  make  an  amicable  compromise  in  regard 
to  the  property  in  dispute."  Special  legislation 
afterward  provided  that  all  the  "  rights,  estates, 
property,  and  privileges  of  the  members  of  the  un- 
incorporated Society  of  Friends  "  should  not  be 
hurt  or  affected  by  the  separation. 

With  the  return  of  the  Democratic  party  to 
power  Peter  D.  Vroom,  from  October  25,  1833. 
to  October  28,  183G,  occupied  the  executive  office. 
The  intervening  elections  occurred  October  31, 
1834,  and  October  30,  1835.  No  candidates  are 
upon  record  as  opposing  Mr.  Vroom,  nor  is  there 
any  detail  of  vote.  Upon  the  28th  of  October, 
183G,  Mr.  Vroom,  although  unanimously  ap- 
pointed, declined  reelection,  owing  to  ill  health, 
and  upon  November  3  of  that  year  the  House 
and  Council,  by  a  vote  of  thirty-three  to  twenty- 
five,  chose  Philemon  Dickerson  as  Mr.  Vroom's 
successor.  Mr.  Dickerson's  opponent  was  William 
Pennington.  Mr.  Pennington  had  solid  delega- 
tions from  the  Counties  of  Essex,  Gloucester,  Sa- 
lem, Cumberland,  and  Cape  May,  a  member  of 
Council  and  one  member  of  the  House  from  Mid- 
dlesex, and  a  member  of  Council  and  two  mem- 
bers of  the  House  from  Somerset  County. 

Philemon  Dickerson  was  a  brother  of  Mahlon 
Dickerson,  who  had  been  governor  from  1815  to 


382  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL. 

1817.  Both  had  been  adherents  of  the  doctrines  of 
the  Democratic  party,  represented  by  the  repub- 
licanism of  Thomas  Jefferson  or  the  broader  ideals 
of  Andrew  Jackson.  But  with  the  crisis  of  1837, 
with  the  political  revolution  that  drove  New  Jer- 
sey into  Whiggery,  the  administration  of  the  Dem- 
ocrats tumbled  from  power.  Yet  the  year  1837, 
on  the  27th  of  October,  found  Dickerson  and 
Pennington  again  striving  for  gubernatorial 
honors.  The  name  of  Joseph  Warren  Scott  had 
been  presented,  but  was  withdrawn.  The  situa- 
tion in  183G  had  been  reversed,  Pennington  being 
elected  by  a  vote  of  forty-three  to  twenty-four. 
Dickerson  had  solid  delegations  from  Bergen, 
Cumberland,  Sussex,  Hunterdon,  Warren,  and 
Atlantic  Counties.  Thence  until  1843,  constantly 
contesting  for  his  seat,  Wiliiain  Pennington  re- 
mained governor. 

William  Pennington  enjoyed  the  peculiar  dis- 
tinction of  occupying  the  executive  office  as  the 
successor  of  his  father,  William  S.  Pennington, 
who  had  been  governor  from  1813  to  1815. 
The  son,  as  a  Democrat,  had  supported 
John  Quincy  Adams  as  against  Andrew  Jackson, 
had  followed  his  varying  fortunes,  assimilating 
the  remnants  of  the  old-line  Federalists,  and 
formed  a  new  party  known  as  the  National  Repub- 
licans. These  in  1834  became  the  Whigs,  of  which 
party  he  was,  during  the  years  he  occupied  the  ex- 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


383 


ecutive  chair,  the  acknowledged  leader.  Two 
candidates  appeared  against  Governor  Penning- 
ton upon  October  26,  1838.  One  was  George  Cas- 
sedy,  whose  name  was  withdrawn,  the  other  was 
James  S.  Green.  The  vote  for  Pennington  was 
thirty-eight,  for  Green  twenty-six,  the  defeated 
candidate  having  solid  delegations  from  Bergen, 
Salem,  Hunterdon,  Sussex,  Warren,  and  Atlantic 
Counties,  together  with  the  member  of  Council 
and  three  members  of  the  House  from  Monmouth 
County. 

Upon  the  25th  of  October,  1839,  four  candidates 
appeared:  William  Pennington,  Henry  A.  Ford, 
James  S.  Green,  and  Samuel  R.  Hamilton.  No 
votes  appeared  for  Messrs.  Green  or  Hamilton. 
Pennington  was  successful  against  Mr.  Ford  by 
a  vote  of  forty-two  to  twenty-six,  Mr.  Ford  having 
solid  delegations  from  the  Counties  of  Bergen, 
Salem,  Hunterdon,  Sussex,  Warren,  Atlantic  and 
Monmouth. 

William  Pennington  and  Henry  A.  Ford  were 
subsequently  candidates  upon  October  30,  1840. 
Ford  succeeded  in  capturing  solid  delegations 
from  Bergen,  Hunterdon,  Warren,  Sussex  and  At- 
lantic—twelve votes  in  all  against  Pennington's 
fifty-three. 

Against  William  Pennington  in  the  election  of 
November  2,  1841,  Peter  D.  Vroom  was  a  candi- 
date.   By  a  vote  of  forty-four  to  thirty  Mr.  Vroom 


William     Pennington,    governor     of 
1837-43 ;  son  of  Governor  William 

ik.    N.    J.,    May   4, 
lawyer  1817;  represented  Kaacx  County 
sembly;  d.  Feb.  18.  1882. 


384  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

was  defeated.  Vroom's  vote  was  cast  by  solid  dele- 
gations from  Sussex,  Atlantic,  Bergen,  Hunterdon. 
Salem  and  Monmouth  Counties,  one  member  of 
the  House  and  the  member  of  Council  from  Pas- 
saic, two  of  four  members  of  the  House  and  mem- 
ber of  Council  from  Gloucester,  and  two  members 
of  the  House  from  Warren  County. 

In  the  year  1842,  upon  the  28th  of  October,  the 
candidate  appearing  against  William  Pennington 
was  Stacy  G.  Potts,  the  latter  being  defeated  by 
a  vote  of  forty-two  to  thirtj'-three.  Mr.  Potts  re- 
ceived the  votes  of  solid  delegations  from  Sussex, 
Bergen,  Atlantic,  Warren,  Cumberland,  Hunter- 
don, Middlesex,  and  Monmouth  Counties,  and  a 
member  of  the  House  from  Morris  County. 

During  Pennington's  administration  there  had 
been  formed  in  various  parts  of  the  State  a  move- 
ment opposed  to  the  Pennington  name,  which  was 
bitterly  attacked,  particularly  in  its  stronghold, 
the  County  of  Essex.  To  this  movement  the  Demo- 
crats lent  their  aid,  largely  as  a  matter  of  re- 
venge for  the  attitude  taken  by  the  governor 
during  the  "  Broad  Seal  War  "  of  1838.  Although 
not  personally  subjected  to  partisan  abuse  Gov- 
ernor Pennington  was  unable  to  withstand  the 
storm  of  opposition.  It  was,  moreover,  plainly 
evident  to  every  man  of  intelligence  in  the  State 
that  the  days  of  the  constitution  of  1776  were 
numbered,  and  that  the  changes  of  the  future  held 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  385 


in  store  were  momentous  if  not  revolutionary. 
Everywhere  the  cry  of  "  anti-monopoly "  and 
"  popular  rights  "  had  been  raised.  The  end  of  the 
old  political  order  had  indeed  come. 

Five  candidates  appeared  upon  the  27th  of 
October,  1843,  the  last  election  for  governor  held 
under  the  constitution  of  1776.  Against  Governor 
Pennington,  the  Whig  candidate,  appeared  Rich-  .  0 
ard  P.  Thompson,  Garret  D.  Wall,  Elias  B.  D^ 
Ogden,  and  James  S.  Green,  all  of  whom  wer& 
Democrats,  and  all  of  whom  retired  from  the  coilL 
test,  leaving  the  field  to  Daniel  Haines  and  Pen- 
nington, the  former  being  elected  by  a  vote  of 
forty-four  to  twenty-six.  Mr.  Pennington  received 
the  votes  of  members  of  Council  from  the  Counties 
of  Cape  May,  Burlington,  and  Cumberland,  four  of 
the  five  members  of  the  House  from  BurlingtoD, 
one  member  of  the  House  from  each  of  the  Coun- 
ties  of  Gloucester,  Hudson,  and  Cumberland,  and 
the  solid  delegations  of  Essex,  Mercer,  and  Somer 
set. 

Governor  Haines  had  been  an  active  Jacksnnian 
Democrat,  had  been  a  member  of  Council  during 
the  Broad  Seal  War,  had,  as  a  member  of  the  bar 
and  as  a  politician,  given  Sussex  County  its  early 
distinctive  position  as  a  Democratic  stronghold, 
and  had  been  an  earnest  friend  of  constitutional 
revision.  So  great  was  his  popularity  that  with 
in  a  week  after  his  name  was  mentioned  he  was 


Dantal  Hainaa,  governor  oi 

County,  182! 

New  Jere«7  {-uj  r«.iuo  < 


386  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

elected  governor,  which  position  he  held  until  his 
successor,  Charles  C.  Stratton,  was  inaugurated 
in  January,  1845.  Governor  Haines's  occupancy 
of  the  office  from  October,  1844,  to  January,  1845, 
was  authorized  under  a  temporary  provision  con- 
tinuing the  governor,  chancellor,  ordinary  or  sur- 
rogate-general, and  treasurer  until  their  success- 
ors should  be  sworn  into  office. 

With  the  induction  into  office  of  Charles  C. 
Stratton  there  came  the  opportunity  for  direct 
expression  of  popular  will;  yet  it  is  quite  worthy 
of  notice  that  the  revolutions  in  the  office  of  gov- 
ernor of  the  State  were  but  an  expression  of  the 
unrest  in  the  popular  mind,  so  far  as  the  Legisla- 
ture reflected  the  opinions  of  the  masses.  It  has 
been  seen  that  the  gubernatorial  office  was  filled 
by  Federalists  from  1776  to  1801,  a  period  of 
twenty-five  years;  by  Republicans  (Democrats) 
from  1801  to  1832,  with  the  exception  of  1812-1813, 
a  period  of  thirty-two  years.  In  other  words  in 
fifty-six  years  there  were  but  three  partisan  trans- 
fers of  the  office.  But  during  the  era  of  unrest  the 
office  was  held  by  the  Whigs  from  1832  to  1833,  by 
the  Democrats  from  1833  to  1837,  by  the  Whigs 
again  from  1837  to  1843,  and  by  the  Democrats 
from  1843  to  1845.  Thus  in  a  period  of  thirteen 
years  the  office  underwent  six  transfers. 

From  1844  to  185G  the  State  elections  in  New 
Jersey  were  most  vitally  affected  by  the  status  of 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


587 


the  Camden  and  Aniboy  Railroad.  In  their  polit- 
ical sympathies  and  affiliations  the  directorate  of 
the  board  of  that  corporation  was  allied  to  the 
Democrtic  party,  and  between  that  organization 
and  the  officers  of  the  company  an  intimate  rela- 
tion existed.  The  friends  of  the  railroad  supported 
the  claim  that  the  Camden  and  Amboy  was  a  New 
Jersey  railroad,  whose  stock  was  largely  owned 
by  Jerseymen,  whose  officers  were  Jerseymen,  in 
short  a  corporation  organized  by  and  for  the  in- 
terests of  the  State.  The  railroad  had  been  con- 
structed at  great  expense,  it  had  revolutionized 
methods  of  transportation,  was  quick  to  grasp  any 
new  and  useful  invention  tending  to  increase 
speed,  or  provide  for  the  safety  and  comfort  of  its 
passengers.  The  "  anti-monopolists  "  contended 
that  the  railroad  had  entered  every  field  of  polit- 
ical activity,  had  extended,  if  not  practically  intro- 
duced, the  use  of  money  in  elections,  national, 
State,  and  local,  had  distributed  official  positions 
among  its  favorites,  creating  a  great  "  machine," 
and  by  throttling  competition  had  prevented  pos- 
sible corporations  from  reducing  rates  charged  for 
conveying  passengers  and  freights. 
The  State  and  national  elections  in  the  autumn 


of  1844  had  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  the  Whigs.      Of 
New  Jersey  had  cast  her  seven  electoral  votes  for 


Jersey 

Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  and  Theodore  Freling- 
huysen,  of  New  Jersey.    For  President  Clay's  ma- 


388  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

jority  in  New  Jersey  was  eight  hundred  and  twen- 
ty-three. In  his  election  the  nomination  of  Theo- 
dore Frelinghuysen  had  stirred  the  people  of 
the  State.  His  unostentatious  piety,  his  powers 
as  an  orator,  his  excellent  judgment,  had  made 
him  a  conspicuous  figure  in  State  life.  Serving 
as  attorney-general  of  New  Jersey  and  as  United 
States  senator,  he  had  later  become  chancellor  of 
the  University  of  New  York,  and  had  been  relied 
upon  to  sustain  the  Whig  cause  in  the  East,  par- 
ticularly as  the  Democratic  administration  had 
become  unpopular.  Owing  to  the  industrial  de- 
pression in  1837  and  its  extremely  serious  conse- 
quences, coupled  with  the  restiveness  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  State,  New  Jersey  had  in  the  election  of 
1836  cast  her  vote  for  William  Henry  Harrison 
and  Francis  Granger,  Whig  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
This  action  had  been  reflected  in  the  selection  of 
William  Pennington  as  governor.  So  well  had 
Whiggery  intrenched  itself  in  New  Jersey  that  in 
1840  the  State  gave  a  majority  of  2,327  to  William 
Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  and  Francis  Granger,  of 
New  York,  respectively  Whig  candidates  for  Pres- 
ident and  Vice-President.  Not  even  the  name  of 
Martin  Van  Buren  could  draw  New  Jersey  into 
the  Democratic  ranks  in  a  campaign  made  memor- 
able by  'coon  skins,  log  cabins,  cider  barrels,  vast 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  389 

meetings,  songs,  rural  parades,  and  intense  excite- 
ment in  hamlet  and  in  city. 

The  first  election  for  governor  under  the  new 
constitution  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Charles  C. 
Stratton  by  a  plurality  of  1,358  over  his  Demo- 
cratic opponent,  John  R.  Thompson.  The  Whig 
platform  embraced  the  doctrine  of  protection  to 
American  manufactures,  a  protest  against  the 
extension  of  slavery  by  means  of  the  acquisition  of 
foreign  territory,  although  recognizing  the  com- 
promise of  the  federal  constitution,  and  unalter- 
ing  opposition  to  the  Camden  and  Amboy  Kail- 
road  Company.  Whig  candidates  who  appeared 
against  Charles  C.  Stratton  were  Joseph  Porter, 
Jesse  Richards,  William  P.  Robeson,  John  C. 
Smallwood,  and  General  Peter  I.  Stryker,  while 
the  opponents  of  John  R.  Thompson  were  John 
Cassedy  and  Thomas  G.  Haight. 

The  election  for  governor  which  occurred  in 
1847  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Daniel  Haines,  a 
Democrat,  although  the  Whigs  remained  in  con- 
trol of  the  Senate  and  the  House.  Into  the  Whig 
State  platform  of  that  year  no  new  "  planks  "  of 
interest  were  introduced,  except  to  charge  that  the 
Mexican  War  had  been  conducted  by  "  politician 
officers  who  had  never  drilled  a  corporal's  guard." 
Governor  Haines  succeeded  in  defeating  his  op- 
ponent, William  Wright,  by  a  plurality  of  2,509. 
The  other  Whig  candidates  for    the  nomination 


390 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


were  William  P.  Robeson  and  John  Runk.  Fol- 
lowing upon  the  heels  of  the  State  election 
came  the  presidential  contest  of  1848,  when  Zach- 
ary  Taylor  and  Millard  Fillmore,  whom  the  Whigs 
had  nominated  for  the  presidency  and  vice-presi- 
dency, received  the  electoral  votes  of  New  Jersey. 
Taylor's  plurality  was  3,144. 

The  gubernatorial  election  of  1850  threw  the 
entire  political  machinery  of  New  Jersey  into  the 
hands  of  the  Democratic  party.  Since  1844  the 
Whigs  had  controlled  the  Legislature,  while  for 
the  next  five  years  the  mastery  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  House  and  Senate  was  absolute.  As 
a  candidate  the  Whigs  nominated  John  Runk,  of 
Hunterdon  County,  other  candidates  for  the  honor 
being  Joseph  Porter,  of  Camden,  Thomas  Jones 
Yorke,  of  Salem,  William  N.  Wood,  of  Morris, 
Martin  J.  Ryerson,  of  Passaic,  and  George  H. 
Brown,  of  Somerset,  with  William  A.  Newell,  of 
Monmouth  County,  this  being  the  first  appearance 
of  that  distinguished  Jerseyman  as  a  candidate 
for  governor.  The  nominee  of  the  Demo- 
crats was  George  F.  Fort,  of  Ocean  County,  who 
after  five  ballots  defeated  his  rivals,  John  Cassedy, 
of  Hudson,  Jonathan  Pitney,  of  Atlantic,  John 
Summerhill,  Jr.,  of  Salem,  Isaac  G.  Farlee,  of 
Hunterdon,  and  Henry  A.  Ford,  of  Morris.  The 
Whig  platform  was  mainly  devoted  to  a  reaffirm- 
ance  of  the  policy  of  protection  for  American  in- 


MILLARD   KILLMORE. 

(Thirteenth  President  of  the  tlnlted  States  ; 

V.  .Jan.  7.  1**>:  d.  Mnrcb  7,  1874.) 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


dustries,  while  the  Democrats  advocated  popular 
education,  equal  taxation  and  general  in  place  of 
special  legislation.  Governor  Fort  succeeded 
in  defeating  Mr.  Runk  with  a  then  unprecedented 
majority  of  5,669.  In  1852  the  Democratic  elector- 
al vote  of  New  Jersey  was  cast  for  Franklin 
Pierce  for  President  and  William  R.  King  for 
Vice-President,  defeating  General  Winfield  Scott, 
the  Whig  candidate.  Pierce's  plurality  in  the 
State  was  5,749.  Hale,  the  "  Free-soil  "  candidate 
for  President,  received  but  three  hundred  and  fifty 
votes  in  New  Jerseey,  his  strength  lying  largely  in 
New  England,  New  York,  and  Ohio. 

The  reestablishment  of  New  Jersey  in  the  Dem- 
ocratic column  gave  the  Whigs  but  little  hope  for 
victory  during  the  contest  for  the  governorship 
in  1853.  The  success  of  the  Democrats  had  been 
so  pronounced  that  no  less  than  eighteen  candi- 
dates appeared  as  contestants  for  the  nomination, 
requiring  six  ballots  before  the  choice  of  the  con- 
vention fell  upon  Rodman  M.  Price.  These  can- 
didates were  E.  R.  V.  Wright,  Thomas  W.  Arrow- 
smith,  William  0.  Alexander,  Phineas  B.  Ken- 
nedy, Alexander  Wurts,  Henry  Hilliard,  John 
Huyler,  John  Cassedy,  John  W.  Fennimore,  John 
R.  Slack,  Littleton  Kirkpatrick,  George  Sykes,  S. 
D.  Canfield,  Dr.  John  R.  Sickler,  T.  W.  Mulford, 
Daniel  Barcalow,  and  John  R.  Darcy.  The  Dem- 
ocrats had  a  popular  candidate  and  a   popular 


392 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


platform,  declaring  their  adherence  to  the  "  Mon- 
roe doctrine,"  favored  the  annexation  of  Cuba, 
general  legislation,  particularly  that  encouraging 
labor,  the  regulation  of  working  hours  for  the 
young  in  factories,  the  extension  of  the  rights  of 
married  women,  the  adoption  of  a  wider  plan  of 
general  education,  and  the  construction  of  a  rail- 
road to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  Whig  convention 
had  nominated  Joel  Haywood,  of  Ocean  County, 
other  candidates  being  James  S.  Nevius,  of  Mid- 
dlesex, George  H.  Brown,  of  Somerset,  and  Will- 
iam J.  Shinn,  of  Salem.  Aside  from  agree- 
ment with  the  Democrats  as  to  the  extension  of 
the  system  of  public  education  the  Whig  plat- 
form recommended  internal  improvements  sup- 
ported by  the  funds  of  the  federal  government. 
The  most  vital  part  of  the  document  was  an  ar- 
raignment of  the  Camden  and  Amboy  Railroad, 
stating  that  the  claims  of  special  privilege  were 
inconsistent  with  a  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  closing  a  lengthy  paragraph  with  a 
caustic  attack  upon  corporations  and  monopolies. 
Governor  Price's  majority  over  Haywood  was 
3,782. 

The  year  1856  was  momentous,  not  only  in  the 
history  of  the  nation,  but  of  the  State.  Disorgan- 
ization was  in  the  air;  some  predicted  the  dis- 
solution of  constituted  government.  The  election 
of  Pierce  and  King  in  1852  had  but  postponed  the 


Redman   M  rice,  governor  of  New  Jeraoy 

1854-67 ;  6.  Sussex  County,  N.  J.,  Nov.  5,  1816 ;  lawyer ; 
entered  U.  S.  navy  1840 ;  pnrfeet  and  aleald*  ot.  Cali- 
fornia 1848 :  «f.  Jtm»  7,  1894. 


^l 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  393 

evil  day,  while  the  struggle  for  Kansas  and  the 
success  of  the  pro-slavery  men  in  establishing  their 
policy  on  the  "  virgin  soil  "  had  aroused  the  North. 
Men  turned  toward  safety,  yet  knew  not  where  to 
go.  In  New  Jersey,  as  elsewhere,  both  Whigs  and 
Democrats  had  temporized;  both  feared  the  fear- 
ful consequences  of  precipitating  the  conflict.  As 
a  political  organization  the  Whigs  were  practi- 
cally extinct.  The  end  had  come  quickly,  and  had 
not  been  prolonged  as  in  the  death  of  Federalism. 
The  "  Compromise  "  of  1850,  the  deaths  of  Web- 
ster and  Clay  in  1852,  the  execution  of  the  "  fugi- 
tive slave  law,"  the  passage  of  the  "  Kansas-Ne- 
braska "  bill,  had  tended  to  weaken  and  finally  de- 
stroy the  party.  The  Democratic  party,  mean- 
while, not  only  in  New  Jersey,  but  throughout  the 
eastern  portion  of  the  United  States,  had  become 
strong,  but  unwieldly.  It  had  assimilated  most  of 
the  large  body  of  emigrants.  In  the  North  the  for- 
eign element  had  already  arisen  to  a  degree  of 
power  in  the  councils  of  the  party,  and  by  enter- 
prise and  special  aptitude  had  obtained  partial 
control  of  the  industrial  situation.  To  the  "  old 
line  Whigs,"  this  new  blood,  assertive  and  ener- 
getic, was  obnoxious.  The  specious  plea  was 
made  that  the  nation's  "  institutions,  liberties, 
and  system  of  government  were  at  the  mercy  of 
men  from  the  monarchical  countries  of  Europe." 


M 


394  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

There  was  thus  no  apparent  haven  of  refuge  for 
the  Whigs. 

In  1S54,  in  the  then  distant  State  of  Wisconsin, 
had  been  born  a  new  party,  which,  having  taken  a 
part  of  the  old  name  of  its  logical  opponent,  had 
swept  eastward,  and  in  two  short  years,  by  the 
use  of  "  fusion  "  methods,  had  absorbed  "  Free- 
soilers,"  anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  Wxhigs,  Aboli- 
tionists, and  Native  Americans.  Thus  it  was  that 
the  Republican  party  entered  the  national  contest. 
In  the  month  of  June,  1856,  upon  the  5th,  there 
had  assembled  in  Trenton  men  of  varying  shades 
of  belief,  called,  as  its  platform  said,  not  as  a  mere 
party,  but  to  represent  "  the  great  body  of  the 
patriotic,  enlightened,  and  conservative  people 
of  New  Jersey  opposed  to  the  present  State  and 
Federal  administration."  Of  this  new  party,  still 
without  a  name,  but  known  as  the  "  Opposition 
party,"  the  chairman  was  William  Lewis  Dayton, 
who,  as  an  "  old  line  Whig,"  associate  justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  United  States  senator  from 
NevvT  Jersey,  a  friend  of  the  protective  tariff,  and 
opposed  to  slavery,  had  become  a  conspicuous  fig- 
ure in  New  Jersey  politics.  The  State  platform  of 
the  "  Opposition  "  party,  which  was  immediately 
r%  identified  with  the  Eepublican  movement,  was  de- 
voted  to  national  issues.  In  general  terms  it 
charged  the  Democrats  with  improvidence  and 
recklessness,  that  the  federal  administration  had 


WILLIAM  L.  DAYTON. 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  395 

violated  the  "  Missouri  Compromise,"  and  had 
permitted  "  outrages  "  in  Kansas.  For  the  guber- 
natorial honors  there  were  several  candidates: 
Beach  Vanderpool,  of  Essex,  Joseph  Franklin, 
of  Gloucester,  William  Parry,  of  Burlington,  Eph- 
raiin  Marsh,  of  Morris,  Dudley  S.  Gregory,  of  Hud- 
son, Charles  S.  Olden,  of  Mercer,  and  David  Kyer- 
son,  of  Sussex  County.  But  the  choice  of  the  con- 
vention fell  upon  William  A.  Newell,  of  Mon- 
mouth County. 

The  new  Republican  party  in  New  Jersey  em- 
braced many  of  the  Whigs,  led  by  such  men  as 
Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen  and  Abraham  O.  Za- 
briskie,  while  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  conven- 
tion was  John  H.  Jones,  of  Camden,  a  recognized 
leader  of  the  Native  American  or  "  Know  Noth- 
ing "  movement,  a  political  organization  so-called 
because  its  members,  when  asked  about  the  organ- 
ization and  its  secret  ritualistic  work,  knew  noth- 
ing of  the  existence  of  such  a  body.  The  Native 
American  movement,  whose  support  John  II. 
Jones  pledged  to  the  Republican  party  in  New 
Jersev,  had  arisen  in  Louisiana  during  1811,  ami 
after  a  degree  of  success,  incidentally  electing  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Assembly  in  New  Jersey 
during  1845,  had  declined  in  influence.  In  1852 
the  movement  again  appeared  in  New  York  City, 
the  entrance  point  into  the  United  Stales  of  the 
mass  of  immigrants,  and  as  a  secret  society,  with 


396  NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 

grips,  signs,  and  passwords,  in  two  years  won  in 
the  elections  in  Massachusetts,  New  York,  and 
Delaware.  Southern  Whigs  also  joined  the  party. 
To  combat  the  influences  which  its  members 
stated  were  incidental  to  unrestricted  immigra- 
tion the  Native  Americans  had  for  fundamental 
principles  the  restriction  of  officeholding  to  native 
Americans,  a  residence  of  tweny-one  years  in  the 
United  States  before  naturalization,  the  use  of  the 
Bible  in  the  public  schools,  and  the  abolition  of 
abuses  incident  to  securing  naturalization. 

The  influence  of  the  Native  American  movement 
during  this  period  was  potent.  In  New  Jersey, 
during  the  session  of  1855,  the  Know  Nothings 
succeeded  in  securing  a  senator  and  six  members 
of  Assembly,  in  1856  four  senators  and  fifteen 
members  of  Assembly,  in  1857  three  senators,  but 
no  members  of  the  lower  house, and  after  thatyear 
disappeared  from  State  politics,  its  principles,  in 
part  or  in  whole,  being  later  advocated  by  a  num- 
ber of  secret  societies  having  extensive  member- 
ship. Upon  June  17, 1856,  shortly  after  the  assem- 
bling of  the  "  Opposition  "  party  of  New  Jersey, 
the  Republicans  met  in  Philadelphia  and  named 
as  their  vice-presidential  candidate  William  L, 
Dayton,  chairman  of  the  Trenton  convention. 
With  him  was  nominated  John  C.  Fremont  as  the 
party's  candidate  for  President. 

Before  the  Democratic  State  convention  of  1856 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE 


:m 


there  were  five  candidates  for  the  gubernatorial 
nomination.  Three,  William  C.  Alexander, 
Joseph  C.  Potts,  and  Charles  Skelton,  were  from 
ilercer  County,  while  John  W.  Fennimore  was 
from  Burlington  and  E.  V.  K.  Wright  from  Hud- 
son County.  The  choice  of  the  convention  was 
William  C.  Alexander. 

The  Democratic  platform  represented  the  some- 
what uncertain  attitude  of  the  northern  members 
of  that  party  concerning  the  entire  question  of 
slavery.  While  abolitionism  was  condemned  the 
party  did  not  advocate  slavery,  holding  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  New  Jersey  to  avoid  any  course  where- 
by it  would  appear  to  legislate  for  other  States. 
Both  the  Kansas  "  outrages  "  and  "  extremists," 
either  in  the  North  or  in  the  South,  were  con- 
demned, while  the  Republicans  were  arraigned  for 
their  violent  assaults  upon  Southerners.  An  invi- 
tation was  extended  to  all  "Old  Line  Clay  and 
Webster  Whigs  "  to  affiliate  with  the  Democratic 
party,  which  pledged  itself  to  encourage  agricul- 
ture, promote  manufactures  and  the  mechanical 
sciences,  stimulate  industry,  and  advance  the 
cause  of  general  education.  The  result  of  the  na- 
tional election  gave  James  Buchanan  and  John 
O.  Breckinridge,  the  Democratic  nominees  for 
President  and  Vice-President,  a  plurality  in  New 
Jersey  of  18,605.  Not  even  the  name  of  Dayton 
could  secure   more    than    twenty-eight  thousand 


^ 


l>.   April 


398 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COL 


votes  in  the  State  of  his  birth,  while  Fillmore,  the 
nominee  of  the  American  party  or  "  straight  out " 
Whigs,  had  twenty-four  thousand. 

By  the  coalition  of  the  Republicans  and  the 
American  party  Dr.  William  A.  Newell  was 
elected  governor  over  his  Democratic  opponent  by 
a  majority  of  2,557.  He  was  the  first  Republican 
governor  of  the  State. 

But  one  gubernatorial  election  remained  ere  the 
country  was  plunged  into  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 
The  year  1859  found  the  Democratic  party  in  con- 
trol of  the  House  of  Assembly  and  the  Senate, 
although  their  tenure  was  by  bare  majorities. 

The  Republican  party  had  in  the  meantime  ef- 
fected a  more  perfect  organization,  and  in  its 
State  convention  of  1859  had  a  plethora  of 
candidates.  Charles  S.  Olden  was  nominated  by 
Bergen,  Mercer,  Ocean,  and  Hunterdon  Counties; 
Joseph  Porter  by  Camden;  Andrew  K.  Hay  by 
Camden,  Ocean,  and  WTarren;  William  K.  Mc- 
Donald by  Essex;  D.  S.  Gregory  by  Hudson; 
Ephraim  Marsh  by  Hudson,  Morris,  and  Warren; 
Edward  Y.  Rogers  by  Middlesex  and  Union;  and 
J.  W.  Allen  by  Burlington  County.  The  party 
platform  was  devoted  to  opposition  to  the  federal 
administration,  the  support  of  a  protective  tariff, 
and  a  declaration  against  a  revival  of  the  Afri- 
can slave  trade.  As  early  as  March  of  that  year 
the  Trenton  State  Gazette  had  declared  the  policy 


William   Augustus  Newell,  M.D.,  governor  of  New 

:K7-3i;  b.  Franklin,  Ohio,  Sept.  5,  1817;  grad. 
Rutgers  College  1836;  M.D.  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania lStl :  member  of  Congress  1846-51  and  18£4-6C  ; 
secured  the  first  appropriation  ($10,000)  in  the  world 
'or  establishing  life-saving  stations ;  president  New 
Jersey  board  of  agriculture ;  governor  ot  Washington 
Territory  ".' 


ONY  AND  AS  A  STATE  399 


of  the  party  would  be  OPPOSITION  to  "  Nigger 
Driving  Buchananisin,"  "  Loco  Foco  Extrava- 
gance,''  "  Slavery  Dictation  and  Slavery  Exten- 
sion," "  Ballot  Box  Stuffing,"  "  King  Cotton,"  and 
the  kind  of  tariff  that  makes  "  Mud  Sills  "  of  men, 
and  favoring  "  Protection  to  American  Industry." 
The  policy  delineated  opposed  filibustering  and 
the  taking  of  fees  from  debtors  to  be  given  an 
"  Aristocratic  Chancellor  "  that  he  might  enjoy  a 
salary  of  five  thousand  dollars  per  year,  while 
government  by  the  court  of  chancery  and  the  forc- 
ible retention  of  State  offices  was  also  condemned. 
Charles  S.  Olden  was  nominated. 

The  Democrats,  after  five  ballots  scattered 
among  seven  candidates,  selected  Edwin  V.  I?. 
Wright  as  their  nominee  for  governor.  The  plat- 
form declared  against  the  revival  of  the  slave 
trade,  called  for  a  union  among  the  members  of 
the  party  who  had  divided  upon  the  question  of 
the  "  Lecompton  Constitution,"  and  in  general 
terms  demanded  equality  among  citizens.  The  re- 
maining candidates  were  Thomas  H.  Herring, 
Alexander  Wurts,  Charles  Skelton,  Joseph  C. 
Potts,  George  Sykes,  Charles  Sitgraves,  and  Peter 
D.  Vroom. 

The  contest  gave  Charles  S.  Olflen  a  majority  of 
1,001  in  a  total  vote  of  105,029,  while  the  Legisla- 
ture elected  comprised  a  Democratic  Senate,  and 
a  House  of  Assembly  in  which  there  were  thirty 


400 


NEW  JERSEY  AS  A  COLONY 


Democrats,    twenty-eight   Republicans,    and  two 
*■  Americans." 

Across  the  giant  stage  of  American  politics  the 
mighty  events  of  the  years  had  moved.  Brooks's 
assault  upon  Sumner,  Walker's  filibustering  ex- 
pedition to  Nicaragua,  Kansas's  two  constitution- 
al governments,  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  the  ad- 
mission of  Oregon,  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debates, 
and  the  raid  by  John  Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry 
had  followed  one  another  in  rapid,  blinding  suc- 
cession. It  was,  as  seen  now,  a  part  of  the  destiny 
of  the  republic,  a  part  of  that  plan  which,  now  un- 
folded, had  yet  to  be  disclosed — a  plan  so  vast, 
so  stupendous,  that  its  workings  yet  affect,  and 
ever  will  affect  the  lives  of  men. 


(end  of  volume  theee.) 


JOHN  BROWN. 


THE  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Santa  Barbara 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW. 


.•"'■'  *'  ,l"/ 


Series  9482 


3  1205  02528  7580 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 

AA    000  876  389 


in  ■ 


